Authors: Marcus Rediker
The Slave Ship (58 page)
33
For a good and thorough example of how a slave ship was prepared to sail, see Account Book of the
Africa
, 1774-1776, BCL.
For a good and thorough example of how a slave ship was prepared to sail, see Account Book of the
Africa
, 1774-1776, BCL.
34
Joseph Hawkins,
A History of a Voyage to the Coast of Africa, and Travels into the Interior of that Country; containing Particular Descriptions of the Climate and Inhabitants, particulars concerning the Slave Trade
(Troy, N.Y.: Luther Pratt, 2nd edition, 1797), 150.
Joseph Hawkins,
A History of a Voyage to the Coast of Africa, and Travels into the Interior of that Country; containing Particular Descriptions of the Climate and Inhabitants, particulars concerning the Slave Trade
(Troy, N.Y.: Luther Pratt, 2nd edition, 1797), 150.
35
“Dicky Sam,”
Liverpool and Slavery: An Historical Account of the Liverpool-African Slave Trade
(Liverpool: A. Bowker & Son, 1884), 21-22.
“Dicky Sam,”
Liverpool and Slavery: An Historical Account of the Liverpool-African Slave Trade
(Liverpool: A. Bowker & Son, 1884), 21-22.
37
See, for example,
Times,
January 12, 1808;
Newport Mercury,
June 15, 1767;
An Account of the Life,
26;
Enquirer,
September 12, 1806. See also the printed broadside
Unparalleled Cruelty in a Guinea Captain
(H. Forshaw, printer, no place, no date, but c. 1805), Holt and Gregson Papers, 942 HOL 10, LRO.
See, for example,
Times,
January 12, 1808;
Newport Mercury,
June 15, 1767;
An Account of the Life,
26;
Enquirer,
September 12, 1806. See also the printed broadside
Unparalleled Cruelty in a Guinea Captain
(H. Forshaw, printer, no place, no date, but c. 1805), Holt and Gregson Papers, 942 HOL 10, LRO.
38
Connecticut Courant,
August 10, 1789. See also
American Minerva,
May 15, 1794. For a case in which a slave-ship captain punched and kicked a member of his crew but whose treatment of him might still be called “very mild,” see
Macnamera and Worsdale v. Barry,
August 26, 1729, Records of the South Carolina Court of Admiralty, 1716-1732, f. 729, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
Connecticut Courant,
August 10, 1789. See also
American Minerva,
May 15, 1794. For a case in which a slave-ship captain punched and kicked a member of his crew but whose treatment of him might still be called “very mild,” see
Macnamera and Worsdale v. Barry,
August 26, 1729, Records of the South Carolina Court of Admiralty, 1716-1732, f. 729, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
39
Anecdote XI (about the
Othello,
Captain James McGauley), in
Substance,
134;
TSTD,
#82978. For instances of captains commanding slaves to lash or abuse sailors, see
Seamen v. John Ebsworthy
(1738), “Minutes of the Vice-Admiralty Court of Charles Town, South Carolina,” 1716-1763, Manuscripts Department, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright, or, Cruel Captain, being a Faithful Narrative of the Unparalleled Sufferings of Robert Barker, Late Carpenter on board the Thetis Snow of Bristol; on a Voyage from thence to the Coast of Guinea and Antigua
(orig. publ. 1760; new edition, London, “printed for the SUFFERER for his own Benefit; and by no one else,” 1775), 26.
Anecdote XI (about the
Othello,
Captain James McGauley), in
Substance,
134;
TSTD,
#82978. For instances of captains commanding slaves to lash or abuse sailors, see
Seamen v. John Ebsworthy
(1738), “Minutes of the Vice-Admiralty Court of Charles Town, South Carolina,” 1716-1763, Manuscripts Department, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright, or, Cruel Captain, being a Faithful Narrative of the Unparalleled Sufferings of Robert Barker, Late Carpenter on board the Thetis Snow of Bristol; on a Voyage from thence to the Coast of Guinea and Antigua
(orig. publ. 1760; new edition, London, “printed for the SUFFERER for his own Benefit; and by no one else,” 1775), 26.
40
Macnamera and Worsdale v. Barry,
South Carolina Admiralty, ff. 713, 729. On the use of the gun barrel, see Testimony of James Towne, 1791,
HCSP,
82:29.
Macnamera and Worsdale v. Barry,
South Carolina Admiralty, ff. 713, 729. On the use of the gun barrel, see Testimony of James Towne, 1791,
HCSP,
82:29.
41
Wage Books for the
Swift
(1775-76),
Dreadnought
(1776),
Dalrymple
(1776),
Hawk
(1780-81),
Hawk
(1781-82),
Essex
(1783-84),
Essex
(1785-86), all in the William Davenport Archives, D/DAV/
3
/1-6, MMM. See
TSTD,
#91793, #91839, #91988, #81753, #81754, # 81311, #81312. On the
African Galley
Captain James Westmore made more money selling items to the crew (£89.1.3) than he did through his wages of £6 per month. See “Accompts submitted by the Plaintiff in the Court of Chancery suit Capt. James Westmore, commander, v. Thomas Starke, owner of the slaver ‘Affrican Galley’ concerning expenses incurred by Westmore on a voyage from London to Virginia via St. Thomas’ Island, Gulf of Guinea, and back, 20 Apr. 1701-4 Dec. 1702,” Add. Ms. 45123, BL.
Wage Books for the
Swift
(1775-76),
Dreadnought
(1776),
Dalrymple
(1776),
Hawk
(1780-81),
Hawk
(1781-82),
Essex
(1783-84),
Essex
(1785-86), all in the William Davenport Archives, D/DAV/
3
/1-6, MMM. See
TSTD,
#91793, #91839, #91988, #81753, #81754, # 81311, #81312. On the
African Galley
Captain James Westmore made more money selling items to the crew (£89.1.3) than he did through his wages of £6 per month. See “Accompts submitted by the Plaintiff in the Court of Chancery suit Capt. James Westmore, commander, v. Thomas Starke, owner of the slaver ‘Affrican Galley’ concerning expenses incurred by Westmore on a voyage from London to Virginia via St. Thomas’ Island, Gulf of Guinea, and back, 20 Apr. 1701-4 Dec. 1702,” Add. Ms. 45123, BL.
42
Testimony of Henry Ellison, 1790,
HCSP,
73:371; Law Report,
Tarlton v. McGawley, Times,
December 24, 1793. For other examples of threatened or actual force, see Captain Baillie to the Owners of the
Carter,
Bonny, January 31, 1757, Donnan II, 512; Thomas Starke to James Westmore, no date, in Donnan IV, 80; Testimony of Alexander Falconbridge, 1790,
HCSP,
72:321.
Testimony of Henry Ellison, 1790,
HCSP,
73:371; Law Report,
Tarlton v. McGawley, Times,
December 24, 1793. For other examples of threatened or actual force, see Captain Baillie to the Owners of the
Carter,
Bonny, January 31, 1757, Donnan II, 512; Thomas Starke to James Westmore, no date, in Donnan IV, 80; Testimony of Alexander Falconbridge, 1790,
HCSP,
72:321.
43
“Account Book of the
Molly,
Snow, Slave Ship, dated 1759-1760,” Manuscripts Department, MSS/76/027.0, NMM. I have identified the voyage as
TSTD,
#17741, even though there is a discrepancy in the date. The
Molly
left Bristol on December 4, 1758, sold its slaves in Virginia on July 15, 1759, and arrived back in Bristol on November 22, 1759, but the account book of the
Molly
is dated 1759-60. (The account book could not have belonged to the vessel’s next voyage, which began in Bristol on April 4, 1760, because the sale of slaves in this instance took place not in Virginia, as the account book states, but in Jamaica.) Other evidence supporting this identification includes the number of slaves delivered. The slave-trade database, based on other sources, shows that the vessel sold 238 slaves and imputes that it would have gathered an original number of 292. The actual number listed in the account book is 286 purchased. The notation of 1760 is apparently based on a final approval of the account book, on April 14, 1760, by someone with the initials PFW, perhaps a merchant or a clerk but not the owner of the vessel, who was Henry Bright. For other, less detailed trade books, see “Slave Trader’s Accompt Book, compiled on board the schooner ‘Mongovo George’ of Liverpool, 1785-1787,” Add. Ms. 43841, BL; George A. Plimpton, ed., “The Journal of an African Slaver, 1789-1792,”
Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society
39 (1929), 379-465 .
“Account Book of the
Molly,
Snow, Slave Ship, dated 1759-1760,” Manuscripts Department, MSS/76/027.0, NMM. I have identified the voyage as
TSTD,
#17741, even though there is a discrepancy in the date. The
Molly
left Bristol on December 4, 1758, sold its slaves in Virginia on July 15, 1759, and arrived back in Bristol on November 22, 1759, but the account book of the
Molly
is dated 1759-60. (The account book could not have belonged to the vessel’s next voyage, which began in Bristol on April 4, 1760, because the sale of slaves in this instance took place not in Virginia, as the account book states, but in Jamaica.) Other evidence supporting this identification includes the number of slaves delivered. The slave-trade database, based on other sources, shows that the vessel sold 238 slaves and imputes that it would have gathered an original number of 292. The actual number listed in the account book is 286 purchased. The notation of 1760 is apparently based on a final approval of the account book, on April 14, 1760, by someone with the initials PFW, perhaps a merchant or a clerk but not the owner of the vessel, who was Henry Bright. For other, less detailed trade books, see “Slave Trader’s Accompt Book, compiled on board the schooner ‘Mongovo George’ of Liverpool, 1785-1787,” Add. Ms. 43841, BL; George A. Plimpton, ed., “The Journal of an African Slaver, 1789-1792,”
Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society
39 (1929), 379-465 .
44
For an analysis of how African demand shaped the trade, see David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds.,
The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade
(New York: Academic Press, 1979), 303-30.
For an analysis of how African demand shaped the trade, see David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds.,
The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade
(New York: Academic Press, 1979), 303-30.
45
For the nature of trade in nearby Old Calabar in this period, see Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, “Trust Pawnship, and Atlantic History: The Institutional Foundations of the Old Calabar Slave Trade,”
American Historical Review
104 (1999), 333-55. Captain Jenkins did indeed return to Bonny, on six more voyages between 1760 and 1769. See
TSTD,
#17493, #17531, #17599, #17626, #17635, #17722. For a shorter but comparable list of Windward Coast traders with whom Captain Paul Cross did business, see Trade book, 1773, Paul Cross Papers, 1768-1803, South Caroliniana Library, Columbia.
For the nature of trade in nearby Old Calabar in this period, see Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, “Trust Pawnship, and Atlantic History: The Institutional Foundations of the Old Calabar Slave Trade,”
American Historical Review
104 (1999), 333-55. Captain Jenkins did indeed return to Bonny, on six more voyages between 1760 and 1769. See
TSTD,
#17493, #17531, #17599, #17626, #17635, #17722. For a shorter but comparable list of Windward Coast traders with whom Captain Paul Cross did business, see Trade book, 1773, Paul Cross Papers, 1768-1803, South Caroliniana Library, Columbia.
46
William Smith,
A New Voyage to Guinea: Describing the Customs, Manners, Soil, Climate, Habits, Buildings, Education, Manual Arts, Agriculture, Trade, Employments, Languages, Ranks of Distinction, Habitations, Diversions, Marriages, and whatever else is
memorable among the Inhabitants
(London, 1744; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1967), 34; [John Wells], “Journal of a Voyage to the Coast of Guinea, 1802,” Add. Ms. 3,871, f. 10, Cambridge University Library; Captain Thomas Earle to Mrs. Anne Winstanley, Calabar, August 30, 1751, Earle Family Papers, MMM.
William Smith,
A New Voyage to Guinea: Describing the Customs, Manners, Soil, Climate, Habits, Buildings, Education, Manual Arts, Agriculture, Trade, Employments, Languages, Ranks of Distinction, Habitations, Diversions, Marriages, and whatever else is
memorable among the Inhabitants
(London, 1744; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1967), 34; [John Wells], “Journal of a Voyage to the Coast of Guinea, 1802,” Add. Ms. 3,871, f. 10, Cambridge University Library; Captain Thomas Earle to Mrs. Anne Winstanley, Calabar, August 30, 1751, Earle Family Papers, MMM.
49
For examples of captains denouncing their surgeons, see Viscountess Knutsford, ed.,
Life and Letters of Zachary Macaulay
(London: Edward Arnold, 1900), 86; Captain Japhet Bird to ?, Montserrat, February 24, 1723, in Donnan II, 298;“Barque Eliza’s Journal, Robert Hall, Commander, from Liverpool to Cruize 31 Days & then to Africa & to Demarary; mounts 14 Nine & Six Pounders, with 31 Men & boys,” T70/1220, NA.
For examples of captains denouncing their surgeons, see Viscountess Knutsford, ed.,
Life and Letters of Zachary Macaulay
(London: Edward Arnold, 1900), 86; Captain Japhet Bird to ?, Montserrat, February 24, 1723, in Donnan II, 298;“Barque Eliza’s Journal, Robert Hall, Commander, from Liverpool to Cruize 31 Days & then to Africa & to Demarary; mounts 14 Nine & Six Pounders, with 31 Men & boys,” T70/1220, NA.
51
Captain William Snelgrave,
A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea and the Slave Trade
(London, 1734; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1971), 181-85;
Memoirs of Crow,
148-49.
Captain William Snelgrave,
A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea and the Slave Trade
(London, 1734; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1971), 181-85;
Memoirs of Crow,
148-49.
52
Bruce Mouser writes, “A special camaraderie existed among the European captains who visited the coast.” See Bruce Mouser, ed.,
A Slaving Voyage to Africa and Jamaica: The Log of the
Sandown,
1793
-
1794
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 78.
Bruce Mouser writes, “A special camaraderie existed among the European captains who visited the coast.” See Bruce Mouser, ed.,
A Slaving Voyage to Africa and Jamaica: The Log of the
Sandown,
1793
-
1794
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 78.
53
Snelgrave,
A New Account,
185-91. Robert Norris explained to a parliamentary committee in 1789 that he did not go belowdecks into the slave apartments because it was not his duty. See his Testimony of Robert Norris,
HCSP,
68:8. For a captain who was extremely attentive to the mood of the enslaved, see Log of the Brig
Ranger,
Captain John Corran, Master, 1789-1790, 387 MD 56, LRO.
Snelgrave,
A New Account,
185-91. Robert Norris explained to a parliamentary committee in 1789 that he did not go belowdecks into the slave apartments because it was not his duty. See his Testimony of Robert Norris,
HCSP,
68:8. For a captain who was extremely attentive to the mood of the enslaved, see Log of the Brig
Ranger,
Captain John Corran, Master, 1789-1790, 387 MD 56, LRO.
55
T. Aubrey,
The Sea-Surgeon, or the Guinea Man’s Vade Mecum. In which is laid down, The Method of curing such Diseases as usually happen Abroad, especially on the Coast of Guinea: with the best way of treating Negroes, both in Health and in Sickness. Written for the Use of young Sea Surgeons
(London, 1729), 129-30.
T. Aubrey,
The Sea-Surgeon, or the Guinea Man’s Vade Mecum. In which is laid down, The Method of curing such Diseases as usually happen Abroad, especially on the Coast of Guinea: with the best way of treating Negroes, both in Health and in Sickness. Written for the Use of young Sea Surgeons
(London, 1729), 129-30.
57
Providence Gazette; and Country Journal,
December 27, 1766; see also
An Account of the Life,
26; Testimony of Zachary Macaulay, 1799, in
HLSP,
3:339;
Three Years Adventures,
85, Boulton,
The Voyage,
27. Boulton himself may have had an amorous interest in Dizia, for it was she, he writes, “who did my peace of mind destroy.”
Providence Gazette; and Country Journal,
December 27, 1766; see also
An Account of the Life,
26; Testimony of Zachary Macaulay, 1799, in
HLSP,
3:339;
Three Years Adventures,
85, Boulton,
The Voyage,
27. Boulton himself may have had an amorous interest in Dizia, for it was she, he writes, “who did my peace of mind destroy.”
62
This section is based on the archival and primary sources cited in chapter 6, notes 1, 2, and 3.
This section is based on the archival and primary sources cited in chapter 6, notes 1, 2, and 3.
63
Interview of Captain Bowen,
Substance,
47. For a comment about the captain of a West India ship who had taken command of a slaver and had not yet been socialized into the customary brutality, see Interview of Mr. Thompson, ibid., 208-9.
Interview of Captain Bowen,
Substance,
47. For a comment about the captain of a West India ship who had taken command of a slaver and had not yet been socialized into the customary brutality, see Interview of Mr. Thompson, ibid., 208-9.
1
“Anonymous Account of the Society and Trade of the Canary Islands and West Africa, with Observations on the Slave Trade” (n.d., but 1779-84), Add. Ms. 59777B, BL. The author treated illness on the voyage, which suggests that he was a physician.
“Anonymous Account of the Society and Trade of the Canary Islands and West Africa, with Observations on the Slave Trade” (n.d., but 1779-84), Add. Ms. 59777B, BL. The author treated illness on the voyage, which suggests that he was a physician.
2
The recruiting is dated by the author’s comment that it took place “about the commencement of the late disturbances,” which would have been late summer 1775 (rather than April as he noted some years later when he actually wrote the account). See R. Barrie Rose, “A Liverpool Sailors’ Strike in the Eighteenth Century,”
Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society
68 (1958), 85-92 ; “Extract of a Letter from Liverpool, September 1, 1775,”
Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser,
September 5, 1775, republished in Richard Brooke,
Liverpool as it was during the Last Quarter of the Eighteenth Century, 1775
-
1800
(Liverpool, 1853), 332.
The recruiting is dated by the author’s comment that it took place “about the commencement of the late disturbances,” which would have been late summer 1775 (rather than April as he noted some years later when he actually wrote the account). See R. Barrie Rose, “A Liverpool Sailors’ Strike in the Eighteenth Century,”
Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society
68 (1958), 85-92 ; “Extract of a Letter from Liverpool, September 1, 1775,”
Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser,
September 5, 1775, republished in Richard Brooke,
Liverpool as it was during the Last Quarter of the Eighteenth Century, 1775
-
1800
(Liverpool, 1853), 332.
3
I would like to emphasize my indebtedness throughout this chapter to Emma Christopher’s excellent study,
Slave Trade Sailors and Their Captive Cargoes, 1730
-
1807
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
I would like to emphasize my indebtedness throughout this chapter to Emma Christopher’s excellent study,
Slave Trade Sailors and Their Captive Cargoes, 1730
-
1807
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
4
“Anonymous Account of the Society and Trade of the Canary Islands and West Africa, with Observations on the Slave Trade” (n.d., but 1779-84), Add. Ms. 59777A, 3-5, BL. That sailors disliked the slave trade is a primary conclusion of Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors,
26-27.
“Anonymous Account of the Society and Trade of the Canary Islands and West Africa, with Observations on the Slave Trade” (n.d., but 1779-84), Add. Ms. 59777A, 3-5, BL. That sailors disliked the slave trade is a primary conclusion of Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors,
26-27.
5
Three Years Adventures,
6-10. Isaac Parker explained, “I had taken a fancy to go upon the coast of Guinea,” while Nicholas Owen added, “I was one who had a desire to see what I had never seen before.” See Testimony of Isaac Parker, 1790,
HCSP,
73:137; Nicholas Owen,
Journal of a Slave-Dealer: A View of Some Remarkable Axedents in the Life of Nics. Owen on the Coast of Africa and America from the Year 1746 to the Year 1757,
ed. Eveline Martin (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 43.
Three Years Adventures,
6-10. Isaac Parker explained, “I had taken a fancy to go upon the coast of Guinea,” while Nicholas Owen added, “I was one who had a desire to see what I had never seen before.” See Testimony of Isaac Parker, 1790,
HCSP,
73:137; Nicholas Owen,
Journal of a Slave-Dealer: A View of Some Remarkable Axedents in the Life of Nics. Owen on the Coast of Africa and America from the Year 1746 to the Year 1757,
ed. Eveline Martin (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 43.
6
Colonel Spencer Childers, ed.,
A Mariner of England: An Account of the Career of William Richardson from Cabin Boy in the Merchant Service to Warrant Officer in the Royal Navy [1780 to 1819] as Told by Himself
(Greenwich: Conway Maritime Press, 1970), 41-42. On the voyage of the
Spy,
see
TSTD,
#83598.
Colonel Spencer Childers, ed.,
A Mariner of England: An Account of the Career of William Richardson from Cabin Boy in the Merchant Service to Warrant Officer in the Royal Navy [1780 to 1819] as Told by Himself
(Greenwich: Conway Maritime Press, 1970), 41-42. On the voyage of the
Spy,
see
TSTD,
#83598.
7
Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright & Cruel Captain
(London, 1756); Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright, or, Cruel Captain, being a Faithful Narrative of the Unparalleled Sufferings of Robert Barker, Late Carpenter on boar the Thetis Snow of Bristol; on a Voyage from thence to the Coast of Guinea and Antigua
(orig. publ. 1760; new edition, London, “printed for the SUFFERER for his own Benefit; and by no one else,” 1775), 5-6, 8. Richardson would later be promoted to third mate before being busted back for mutiny. He died during the voyage.
Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright & Cruel Captain
(London, 1756); Robert Barker,
The Unfortunate Shipwright, or, Cruel Captain, being a Faithful Narrative of the Unparalleled Sufferings of Robert Barker, Late Carpenter on boar the Thetis Snow of Bristol; on a Voyage from thence to the Coast of Guinea and Antigua
(orig. publ. 1760; new edition, London, “printed for the SUFFERER for his own Benefit; and by no one else,” 1775), 5-6, 8. Richardson would later be promoted to third mate before being busted back for mutiny. He died during the voyage.
8
An Account of the Life,
2-3, 10, 19. See
TSTD,
#16490. Nicholas Owen also went to sea on a slaver after a spendthrift father squandered a family fortune. See Owen,
Journal of a Slave-Dealer,
1.
An Account of the Life,
2-3, 10, 19. See
TSTD,
#16490. Nicholas Owen also went to sea on a slaver after a spendthrift father squandered a family fortune. See Owen,
Journal of a Slave-Dealer,
1.
9
Interview of Mr. Thompson, in
Substance
, 24. For an account of an entire crew, out of Boston, deceived about a slave ship’s destination, see
Commercial Advertiser,
September 24, 1799.
Interview of Mr. Thompson, in
Substance
, 24. For an account of an entire crew, out of Boston, deceived about a slave ship’s destination, see
Commercial Advertiser,
September 24, 1799.
10
Ibid. Aboard the
Benson
in 1787, thirteen of the seamen were there because they had fallen into debt in port. See Anecdote X,
Substance,
133.
Ibid. Aboard the
Benson
in 1787, thirteen of the seamen were there because they had fallen into debt in port. See Anecdote X,
Substance,
133.
12
John Newton Letter-book (“A Series of Letters from Mr.——to Dr. J——[Dr. David Jennings],” 1750-1760, 920 MD 409, LRO. Common sailors ranked low in the class structure of eighteenth-century Britain, as the political arithmetic of Gregory King (1688), Joseph Massie (1760), and Patrick Colquhoun (1803) made clear; see Peter Mathias, “The Social Structure in the Eighteenth Century: A Calculation by Joseph Massie,”
Economic History Review,
New Series, 10 (1957), 30-45. On seamen in eighteenth-century America, see Billy G. Smith, “The Vicissitudes of Fortune: The Careers of Laboring Men in Philadelphia, 1750-1800,” in Stephen Innes, ed.,
Work and Labor in Early America
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 221-51.
John Newton Letter-book (“A Series of Letters from Mr.——to Dr. J——[Dr. David Jennings],” 1750-1760, 920 MD 409, LRO. Common sailors ranked low in the class structure of eighteenth-century Britain, as the political arithmetic of Gregory King (1688), Joseph Massie (1760), and Patrick Colquhoun (1803) made clear; see Peter Mathias, “The Social Structure in the Eighteenth Century: A Calculation by Joseph Massie,”
Economic History Review,
New Series, 10 (1957), 30-45. On seamen in eighteenth-century America, see Billy G. Smith, “The Vicissitudes of Fortune: The Careers of Laboring Men in Philadelphia, 1750-1800,” in Stephen Innes, ed.,
Work and Labor in Early America
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 221-51.
15
[Robert Norris],
A Short Account of the African Slave Trade, Collected from Local Knowledge
(Liverpool, 1788), 14; Testimony of John Knox, 1789,
HCSP,
68:150; Testimony of Thomas King, 1789, ibid., 68:321. Lord Sheffield suggested that two-thirds were landsmen. See his
Observations on the Project for Abolishing the Slave Trade, and on the Reasonableness of attempting some Practicable Mode of Relieving the Negroes
(orig. publ. London, 1790; 2nd edition, London, 1791), 18.
[Robert Norris],
A Short Account of the African Slave Trade, Collected from Local Knowledge
(Liverpool, 1788), 14; Testimony of John Knox, 1789,
HCSP,
68:150; Testimony of Thomas King, 1789, ibid., 68:321. Lord Sheffield suggested that two-thirds were landsmen. See his
Observations on the Project for Abolishing the Slave Trade, and on the Reasonableness of attempting some Practicable Mode of Relieving the Negroes
(orig. publ. London, 1790; 2nd edition, London, 1791), 18.
16
“Wage Book for the voyage of the ship
Hawk
from Liverpool to Africa, John Small Master,” 1780-1781, William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, D/ DAV/3/4, MMM. See
TSTD,
#91793, #81753.
“Wage Book for the voyage of the ship
Hawk
from Liverpool to Africa, John Small Master,” 1780-1781, William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, D/ DAV/3/4, MMM. See
TSTD,
#91793, #81753.
17
“Wage Book for the Voyage of the Ship
Essex
from Liverpool to Africa and the West Indies, Captain Peter Potter,” 1783-1784, “Wage Book for the Voyage of the Ship
Essex
from Liverpool to Africa and Dominica, Captain Peter Potter,” 1785-1786, William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, D/DAV/3/5, D/DAV/3/6, MMM.
“Wage Book for the Voyage of the Ship
Essex
from Liverpool to Africa and the West Indies, Captain Peter Potter,” 1783-1784, “Wage Book for the Voyage of the Ship
Essex
from Liverpool to Africa and Dominica, Captain Peter Potter,” 1785-1786, William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, D/DAV/3/5, D/DAV/3/6, MMM.
18
There has been no systematic study of wage rates for slave-trade sailors, so these remarks are impressionistic. For wage rates for sailors in all trades in the early eighteenth century, see Ralph Davis,
The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
(London: Macmillan, 1962), 135-37; Marcus Rediker,
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700
-
1750
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), Appendix C, 304-5. For a comment that appears to refer to lucrative private trading by seamen, see “Diary and Accounts, Commenda Fort, in Charge of William Brainie, 1714-1718,” in Donnan II, 190.
There has been no systematic study of wage rates for slave-trade sailors, so these remarks are impressionistic. For wage rates for sailors in all trades in the early eighteenth century, see Ralph Davis,
The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
(London: Macmillan, 1962), 135-37; Marcus Rediker,
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700
-
1750
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), Appendix C, 304-5. For a comment that appears to refer to lucrative private trading by seamen, see “Diary and Accounts, Commenda Fort, in Charge of William Brainie, 1714-1718,” in Donnan II, 190.
19
“Answers from the Collector and the Comptroller,” 1788,
HCSP,
69:161. For examples of arrangements made by sailors to have part of their pay given to their wives while they were at sea, see Receipts for wages paid to Ellen Hornby on account of her husband, 1785-1786, D/DAV/15/5/4, and Receipts for wages paid to Mary Loundes on behalf of Her husband, 1786, D/DAV/15/2/13, Miscellaneous Items from the William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, MMM.
“Answers from the Collector and the Comptroller,” 1788,
HCSP,
69:161. For examples of arrangements made by sailors to have part of their pay given to their wives while they were at sea, see Receipts for wages paid to Ellen Hornby on account of her husband, 1785-1786, D/DAV/15/5/4, and Receipts for wages paid to Mary Loundes on behalf of Her husband, 1786, D/DAV/15/2/13, Miscellaneous Items from the William Davenport Archives, Maritime Archives & Library, MMM.
21
[John Wells], “Journal of a Voyage to the Coast of Guinea, 1802,” Add. Ms. 3,871, Cambridge University Library, f. 1; Samuel Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience aboard a Slave Ship in the Beginning of the Present Century
(orig. publ. Hamilton, Scotland: William Naismith, 1867; rpt. Wigtown, Scotland: G.C. Book Publishers Ltd., 1996), 14; Case of the
Tartar,
1808, Donnan IV, 585; Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors and their Captive Cargoes,
ch. 2, “The Multiracial Crews of Slave Ships,” 52-89. See also three appendices, “Black Sailors on Liverpool Slave Ships, 1794-1805,” “Black Sailors on Bristol Slave Ships, 1748-1795,” and “Black Sailors on Rhode Island Slave Ships, 1803-1807,” 231-38.
[John Wells], “Journal of a Voyage to the Coast of Guinea, 1802,” Add. Ms. 3,871, Cambridge University Library, f. 1; Samuel Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience aboard a Slave Ship in the Beginning of the Present Century
(orig. publ. Hamilton, Scotland: William Naismith, 1867; rpt. Wigtown, Scotland: G.C. Book Publishers Ltd., 1996), 14; Case of the
Tartar,
1808, Donnan IV, 585; Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors and their Captive Cargoes,
ch. 2, “The Multiracial Crews of Slave Ships,” 52-89. See also three appendices, “Black Sailors on Liverpool Slave Ships, 1794-1805,” “Black Sailors on Bristol Slave Ships, 1748-1795,” and “Black Sailors on Rhode Island Slave Ships, 1803-1807,” 231-38.
22
Wage Book of
Hawk,
1780-1781, D/DAV/3/4;
TSTD,
#81753. It appears that Abey belonged to second mate Hugh Lancelot, perhaps as his privilege slave. On black sailors, see Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors,
57-58, 70-73; Julius Sherrard Scott III, “The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution,” Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1986; W. Jeffrey Bolster,
Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997).
Wage Book of
Hawk,
1780-1781, D/DAV/3/4;
TSTD,
#81753. It appears that Abey belonged to second mate Hugh Lancelot, perhaps as his privilege slave. On black sailors, see Christopher,
Slave Trade Sailors,
57-58, 70-73; Julius Sherrard Scott III, “The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution,” Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1986; W. Jeffrey Bolster,
Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997).
23
This and the next four paragraphs draw upon Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
24, 32-33, and Rediker,
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea,
ch. 2.
This and the next four paragraphs draw upon Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
24, 32-33, and Rediker,
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea,
ch. 2.
25
Daniel Macnamera and Nicholas Worsdale of the Snow
William
v. Thomas Barry,
August 26, 1729, “Records of the South Carolina Court of Admiralty, 1716-1732,” f. 745, National Archives, Washington, D.C. See
TSTD,
#16546.
Daniel Macnamera and Nicholas Worsdale of the Snow
William
v. Thomas Barry,
August 26, 1729, “Records of the South Carolina Court of Admiralty, 1716-1732,” f. 745, National Archives, Washington, D.C. See
TSTD,
#16546.
26
“A Journal of an Intended Voyage to the Gold Coast in the Black Prince her 8th Commencing the 5th of Septem’r 1764,” BCL; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
39;
TSTD,
#17573.
“A Journal of an Intended Voyage to the Gold Coast in the Black Prince her 8th Commencing the 5th of Septem’r 1764,” BCL; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
39;
TSTD,
#17573.
27
Captain William Snelgrave,
A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea and the Slave Trade
(London, 1734; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1971), 165-67, 170.
Captain William Snelgrave,
A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea and the Slave Trade
(London, 1734; rpt. London: Frank Cass & Co., 1971), 165-67, 170.
29
Testimony of William James, 1789,
HCSP,
69:137; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
54-55; “Memorandum of the Mortality of Slaves on Board the ‘Othello’ while on the Coast of Africa and On her Passage to the West Indies,” Accounts of the
Othello,
1768-1769, in Donnan III, 235;
TSTD,
#36371.
Testimony of William James, 1789,
HCSP,
69:137; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
54-55; “Memorandum of the Mortality of Slaves on Board the ‘Othello’ while on the Coast of Africa and On her Passage to the West Indies,” Accounts of the
Othello,
1768-1769, in Donnan III, 235;
TSTD,
#36371.
30
Interview of Mr. James,
Substance,
14; Testimony of Ellison, Noble, Trotter, and Millar, all 1790,
HCSP,
375, 119, 85, 394.
Interview of Mr. James,
Substance,
14; Testimony of Ellison, Noble, Trotter, and Millar, all 1790,
HCSP,
375, 119, 85, 394.
31
Testimony of Ecroyde Claxton, 1791,
HCSP,
82:33; Testimony of William Littleton, 1789,
HCSP,
68:294, 309; Snelgrave,
A New Account,
163-64; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
55.
Testimony of Ecroyde Claxton, 1791,
HCSP,
82:33; Testimony of William Littleton, 1789,
HCSP,
68:294, 309; Snelgrave,
A New Account,
163-64; Robinson,
A Sailor Boy’s Experience,
55.
32
Three Years Adventures,
113-26. Robert Norris noted that on each ship, belowdecks, “there are two White People to attend to the [men] Negroes, and Two Lights.” See also Testimony of Isaac Wilson, 1790,
HCSP,
72:289. It was also observed that seamen were not allowed into the women’s apartment at night.
Three Years Adventures,
113-26. Robert Norris noted that on each ship, belowdecks, “there are two White People to attend to the [men] Negroes, and Two Lights.” See also Testimony of Isaac Wilson, 1790,
HCSP,
72:289. It was also observed that seamen were not allowed into the women’s apartment at night.
33
Reverend John Riland,
Memoirs of a West-India Planter, Published from an Original MS. With a Preface and Additional Details
(London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., 1827), 60-61.
Reverend John Riland,
Memoirs of a West-India Planter, Published from an Original MS. With a Preface and Additional Details
(London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., 1827), 60-61.
34
Norris,
HCSP,
68:4-5; Interview of Mr. Bowen,
Substance,
44. I have drawn here on the testimony of slave trader and Liverpool representative John Matthews, who presented to Parliament “the History of Journal of One Day” in the life of the slaves aboard the slave ship. See
HCSP,
68:19.
Norris,
HCSP,
68:4-5; Interview of Mr. Bowen,
Substance,
44. I have drawn here on the testimony of slave trader and Liverpool representative John Matthews, who presented to Parliament “the History of Journal of One Day” in the life of the slaves aboard the slave ship. See
HCSP,
68:19.
35
Testimony of Alexander Falconbridge, 1790,
HCSP,
72:323; Testimony of James Arnold, 1789,
HCSP,
69:125-26; Testimony of Henry Ellison, 1790,
HCSP,
73:375; Testimony of James Towne, 1791,
HCSP,
82:20.
Testimony of Alexander Falconbridge, 1790,
HCSP,
72:323; Testimony of James Arnold, 1789,
HCSP,
69:125-26; Testimony of Henry Ellison, 1790,
HCSP,
73:375; Testimony of James Towne, 1791,
HCSP,
82:20.
36
Christopher,
Slave-Trade Sailors,
ch. 5; Interview of Ellison,
Substance,
36;
Three Years Adventures,
133.
Christopher,
Slave-Trade Sailors,
ch. 5; Interview of Ellison,
Substance,
36;
Three Years Adventures,
133.
37
“Dicky Sam,”
Liverpool and Slavery: An Historical Account of the Liverpool-African Slave Trade
(Liverpool: A. Bowker & Son, 1884), 36.
“Dicky Sam,”
Liverpool and Slavery: An Historical Account of the Liverpool-African Slave Trade
(Liverpool: A. Bowker & Son, 1884), 36.
39
“Documents Related to the Case of the
Zong
of 1783,” REC/19, Manuscripts Department, NMM. The court ruled that the insurance company was not liable for payment for the murdered slaves. See also Ian Baucom,
Specters of the Atlantic: Finance Capital, Slavery, and the Philosophy of History
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005).
“Documents Related to the Case of the
Zong
of 1783,” REC/19, Manuscripts Department, NMM. The court ruled that the insurance company was not liable for payment for the murdered slaves. See also Ian Baucom,
Specters of the Atlantic: Finance Capital, Slavery, and the Philosophy of History
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005).
40
Thomas Boulton,
The Sailor’s Farewell, or the Guinea Outfit
(Liverpool 1768);
TSTD,
#36127; Herbert Klein, “African Women in the Atlantic Slave Trade,” in Claire Robinson and Martin A. Klein, eds.,
Women and Slavery in Africa
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), 29-38.
Thomas Boulton,
The Sailor’s Farewell, or the Guinea Outfit
(Liverpool 1768);
TSTD,
#36127; Herbert Klein, “African Women in the Atlantic Slave Trade,” in Claire Robinson and Martin A. Klein, eds.,
Women and Slavery in Africa
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), 29-38.
42
For a wage dispute in which sexual predation emerged as an issue, see
Desbrough v. Christian
(1720), HCA 24/132, 24/133.
For a wage dispute in which sexual predation emerged as an issue, see
Desbrough v. Christian
(1720), HCA 24/132, 24/133.
43
Africanus,
Remarks on the Slave Trade, and the Slavery of Negroes, in a Series of Letters
(London, J. Phillips and Norwich: Chase and Co., 1788), 46; Alexander Falconbridge,
An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa
(London, 1788), 30.
Africanus,
Remarks on the Slave Trade, and the Slavery of Negroes, in a Series of Letters
(London, J. Phillips and Norwich: Chase and Co., 1788), 46; Alexander Falconbridge,
An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa
(London, 1788), 30.
45
Richard H. Steckel and Richard A. Jensen, “New Evidence on the Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade,”
Journal of Economic History
46 (1986), 57-77; Stephen D. Behrendt, “Crew Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century,”
Slavery and Abolition
18 (1997), 49-71. Steckel and Jensen estimate that 60 percent of sailors died of fevers, while Behrendt puts the figure higher, at 80 percent. Behrendt also notes that the crew mortality was falling in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Richard H. Steckel and Richard A. Jensen, “New Evidence on the Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade,”
Journal of Economic History
46 (1986), 57-77; Stephen D. Behrendt, “Crew Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century,”
Slavery and Abolition
18 (1997), 49-71. Steckel and Jensen estimate that 60 percent of sailors died of fevers, while Behrendt puts the figure higher, at 80 percent. Behrendt also notes that the crew mortality was falling in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
46
William Snelgrave to Humphry Morice, October 23, 1727, “Trading Accounts and Personal Papers of Humphry Morice,” vol. 2, The Humphry Morice Papers, Bank of England Archives, London; Bruce Mouser, ed.,
A Slaving Voyage to Africa and Jamaica: The Log of the
Sandown,
1793
-
1794
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 60;
Providence Gazette; and Country Journal,
December 8, 1770;
Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser,
March 12, 1796;
Courier,
March 25, 1801.
William Snelgrave to Humphry Morice, October 23, 1727, “Trading Accounts and Personal Papers of Humphry Morice,” vol. 2, The Humphry Morice Papers, Bank of England Archives, London; Bruce Mouser, ed.,
A Slaving Voyage to Africa and Jamaica: The Log of the
Sandown,
1793
-
1794
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 60;
Providence Gazette; and Country Journal,
December 8, 1770;
Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser,
March 12, 1796;
Courier,
March 25, 1801.
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