The Patriot (41 page)

The two Lowlanders were surprised to discover that every one of the fourteen other guests was named Campbell; but that, despite this notable demonstration of clan solidarity, not one of them wore Highland dress. The nearest to it was Breadalbane himself, who arrived wrapped in a tartan plaid, despite the August warmth.

Although there were brief references to Darien and current problems, in casual conversation, it was not until dinner was over and the wine was flowing that Aberuchill actually introduced the object of the gathering. He explained that the Lord Belhaven and Stenton, a colleague of his on His Grace's Privy Council, was chairman of the great new company formed to promote Scotland's prosperity and influence; and Mr. Fletcher, whom they would all know by repute, had been largely responsible for advancing the man Paterson's project in Scotland. They had points to put forward which, he was sure, would be of interest to all present, interest and possibly profit. He called upon Lord Belhaven.

Johnnie recognised that when it came to eloquence and persuasiveness he was no match for Andrew. He spoke only briefly, stressed that what was to be discussed was of vital importance, admitted that he was chairman, appointed by Parliament, of the Company of Scotland for Trading with Africa and the Indies, but declared that the real authority in the project after William Paterson himself, was his friend Saltoun,
who would explain all, much more ably and fluently than could he.

Andrew, looking round those Campbell faces, well understood that he was dealing with hard-bitten realists who would be unlikely to be swayed by appeals to national sentiment, the good of the many, amelioration of social conditions and the like, any more than by splendid visions of colonial adventure and advancement. Personal advantage and sheer gain, which could be transformed into land-ownership, was what would count here - although there was probably one string on which he might harp to some effect, namely pride, pride in their name and reputation, their clannishness and their embattled situation against the hatred of other clans. Also, of course, there was what could amount to a real weakness in that none of those present would be any stronger, nor dare be, than John, Earl of Breadalbane, their chieftain. So Andrew would direct his attention almost entirely upon that individual, hard case as he undoubtedly was.

He had, to be sure, come prepared and had asked Aberuchill to try at all costs to ensure Breadalbane's presence. He had made a point of discovering quite a lot about John Campbell of Glenorchy, his background and his character. He knew, for instance, that he was not on the best of terms with his own nephew and chief, the young tenth Earl of Argyll, MacCailean Mor, and assumed it stemmed from jealousy. He knew that he was ambitious as to rank, preoccupied with status, as that display of painted heraldry on the coach had proclaimed; so much so that some eight years before, when he was plain Laird of Glenorchy, he had mortgaged his lands and gone to great risks, in order to pay the debts and buy up the estates and assets of the spendthrift Sinclair, Earl of Caithness, on condition that that ancient earldom, granted with special destination to heirs of assign, would revert to himself; whereupon he assumed the title of Earl of Caithness, something which had set Scotland by the ears. Charles the Second had, at first, weakly acquiesced in this, no doubt with suitable sweetener; but on the true Sinclair heir raising legal objection, backed by the law and most of the scandalised nobility of Scotland, the King had had to take back his agreement; but had got over the difficulty by creating the

Campbell Earl of Breadalbane. Andrew knew also that the new Earl was at odds with his own eldest son, the Lord Ormelie, and had obtained special royal permission for his earldom to descend to his
second
son. Furthermore he had learned that the Earl had played a very dubious part in 1691 when, having convinced the government that the Highlands might be pacified largely, and the Jacobite threat contained, by the institution of a sort of irregular militia formed from amongst the clans themselves, to be known as Highland Watches, and the chiefs encouraged to set these up by substantial money payments from Edinburgh. He arranged a so-called hunting-party at Achallader Castle in Rannoch, one of his most remote seats, there to convince the assembled chiefs and to distribute the government largesse, no less than £12,000 sterling, a vast sum by Highland standards. Little of this was thought to have got beyond Breadalbane's own treasure-chest, and the Highland Watch got off to a very limping start. It went against the grain for Andrew Fletcher to seek the co-operation of such a character, but the Darien enterprise had to be salvaged somehow, in the nation's interest.

After explaining the scheme in general therefore and emphasising the transportage and canal possibilities - although making a point of the need for secrecy on this score meantime — he went on to aim certain aspects specifically at Breadalbane. He said that, although William had ceased meantime to smile on the venture, after his English government had declared

E

articipation in the company unlawful, nevertheless the King ad not sought to withdraw his royal charter. Moreover the monarch was still desperately in need of monies for his military adventures on the Continent, into which he had thrown himself with additional urgency since the death of his Queen the year previously - and for which the English Parliament was loth to finance him. So the royal frowns would most assuredly turn to smiles again if and when profits began to accrue to him, as charter-dues, payable to the King personally. And when William found cause to smile on his prominent subjects, titles and promotions were apt to follow, as they all knew. It was no secret that certain Scots lords who were substantial supporters of the new company looked to their
participation as a means of advancement in rank and degree as well as profit. For instance the Marquises of Douglas, Montrose and Atholl hoped to become dukes - even though the last, as they were aware, had been for King James; but his eldest son Lord Murray was of course the new Secretary of State; and another son, Lord Mungo Murray had joined the company's service. The Earl of Tweeddale was already new-promoted Marquis thereof; and those of Melville, Lothian, Roxburgh, Dundonald and Southesk hoped for a like advancement. And so on.

Andrew paused to assess the impact of this thrust. The Marquis of Atholl was known to be Breadalbane's particular foe and bugbear, rival in these central Highlands, almost as great a landowner as himself, whose presence hedged the Campbells in on many fronts. Any promotion for Atholl would sting.

If this line of persuasion was not lost on Breadalbane, his reaction was oblique. "If His Dutch Grace is like to be so favourable towards those who may signally support this venture, Mr. Fletcher - how is it that you yourself do not appear to be a beneficiary of the royal kindness?" he asked shrewdly.

Andrew could not fail to recognise the calibre of that shot. "The King may eventually show me some favour, my lord -who knows? And he has, of course, restored to me my forfeited estates. But I fear that I offended His Grace at one time, spoke my mind over-plainly, on the subject of royal powers. I imagine that he has not forgotten."

"So - this is why you labour so hard in this matter, sir? You seek to win back William's favour?"

Andrew took a quick breath and managed to swallow the hot retort which sprang to his lips. After all, if the Campbell liked to think this, and it made it all more understandable to his acquisitive mind, why argue?

"I seek profit on all accounts, my lord," he answered carefully. "For myself, to be sure, but also for all, for Scotland, for the country as a whole. Profit, wealth, is much needed, you will not deny, in this pass."

"Aye," the Earl nodded, smiling his chilly smile. "Proceed,

"There is undoubted advantage to be gained by investing substantially in the project at this stage, my lords and gentlemen. The company has been set up by Act of Parliament only since last June. So the fullest participation in its direction and governance is not yet complete. My lord of Belhaven, here, is chairman, and Mr. Paterson will chiefly manage all, at first. But there is room for a number of others, as directors and in positions of much influence and responsibility. Obviously those gentleman of ability and standing who subscribe in major amounts will be best-placed to be considered for office, and consequent advancement in further investment and exploitation of the colony's resources and wealth. Which will undoubtedly be very great. Not only for themselves but for their families and associates, for much leadership will be required. For instance, my Lord Justice Clerk Cockburn of Ormiston has become a director, and his son John an officer. As has the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. Sir Robert Cheisley, Commissioner of the Exchequer Sir John Maxwell of Pollock, and others."

If this was blatant, it had its effect. There were murmurs all round the table and calculating glances darting this way and that.

"This of the possible canal?" Breadalbane broke in. "It would be a most costly design. Thirty miles, you say? How is it to be paid for? Out of the moneys you seek?"

"No, my lord. What is being sought now is for the setting up, equipping and funding of the colony itself, shipping, trade-goods, gear and the like. The canal scheme will be a separate issue, to be paid for by profits from the transportage enterprise between the two oceans. There should be no lack of money for that - for the portage will be as good as any gold-mine."

"Proof, sir - proof! I would not put any siller of mine into dreams and calentures!"

"As to proof, gentlemen, sober estimates of the value of cargoes coming to Europe each year from the Pacific and India Oceans amount to over ten millions of pounds sterling. Even a small transportage charge for one quarter of that would provide a notable revenue. And such transportage would save months and dire hazards on every shipment."

That appeared to satisfy most. There were other questions,
similar to those that had been raised at the original meeting at Saltoun. Then Campbell of Barcaldine, sitting next to Breadalbane - he was his chamberlain - and after a whispered exchange spoke up.

"It seems to me, Mr. Fletcher, that this gold-mine of yours, if it does yield the gold, will be bound to attract envious eyes and grasping hands. How will your company protect it? The colonists may well prove insufficient. And who will pay respect to the royal charter when the English themselves decry the enterprise as unlawful?"

Andrew hesitated slightly. This was in fact his own most serious doubt. "It is planned to build a line of forts," he explained. "There will be a governor and a militia force. Do not tell me that we Scots are incapable of defending our own? We have held our kingdom inviolate from attack for seven hundred years. Shall we fail now?"

"But numbers, man? Across the ocean, we could not have the numbers to repel determined assault. By the Spaniards, the French - or the English themselves."

"By the time that the colony has proved its value and profit sufficiently to attract the covetous to take it over, so it will have attracted sufficient Scots to man and defend it, surely? You, here in the Highlands, have fightingmen in plenty, I am told? Too many for some! Would not regiments of these be gainfully employed protecting Darien? I can see the company paying well for a regiment or two of Campbell Fencibles!" That was the best that he could do.

It produced some nodding and agreement. Then Breadalbane resumed the initiative.

"Is not the key to this matter English opposition? Remove that, and there will be little danger or problem. So, I say, we should turn our minds to changing that enmity instead of fighting it. Co-operation instead of the old hostility. The English fear that this will take away some of their prosperity, their monopolies. If we
shared
the venture with them - and not only this venture - all would be changed."

"How can we share, my lord? They
were
allowed to share. Then their government forced all English shares to be handed back. They would not consider it again."

"Not that sort of sharing, sir. Or not only. But greater, much greater. Union!"

There were sharply indrawn breaths from all around. Campbells would question the Earl of Breadalbane on that emotive issue.

"If Scotland and England were united in one polity, then all such hostility would fade," the Earl went on, authoritatively rather than persuasively. "King James the Sixth united the two kingdoms near a century ago. He should have united the states, likewise. One realm. But it could still be done, and should. Then every privilege open to Englishmen would be open to Scotsmen also. The Navigation Acts would no longer close their ports and colonies to Scots shippers. Trade would be freed. We could share in their prosperity - and they in ours. There would be no need to protect Darien from attack - for with English favour, none would dare assail it, Spanish, French or other."

None spoke. Andrew looked around them, and at Belhaven, frowning.

"My lord," he said. "This is a greater issue - much greater. Which we can nowise decide upon here. There are so many aspects of it on which we would have to debate. Moreover, I think that the people of Scotland would never agree to it. To voluntarily yield our freedom and independence, after all the centuries! For the sake of trade?"