The Launching of Roger Brook (61 page)

Shortly before four o’clock, M. de Rochambeau’s usual collaborators, Messieurs de Breteuil, de Polignac, de Castries and de Ségur arrived with others who were less frequent visitors; the Duc de Normandie, who was governor to the Dauphin, the famous Admiral de Suffren, France’s greatest sailor, M. Bérard, the head of the French East India Company, the Duc de Lauzun and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, both close friends of the Queen, the Duc de Châtelet, who had recently been replaced as Ambassador to the Court of St. James’s by the Comte d’Adhémar, the Duc de Coigny, the Master of the Royal Horse, and one
man that Roger did not know. The party was completed by de Montmorin and de Rayneval.

When they had all seated themselves round the big oval table Roger sat down at a small one near the door, and M. de Rochambeau opened the proceedings.

‘
Monsieur le Ministre
,’ he said, addressing himself to the Comte de Montmorin, ‘My friends and I have asked you to meet us here today in order that we may put before you the state of affairs in the United Provinces and propose to you certain actions which we recommend in regard to them. M. de Rayneval, very rightly in my view, has taken the exceptional step of returning thence, without being recalled by you, to urge upon us that further procrastination may lose us all that we have been working to achieve for many months past. With him he has brought our distinguished soldier, M. le Comte de Maillebois, whom the Dutch Republican leaders themselves chose to command their free-corps in the event of civil war. It would be best, I think, if these two gentlemen now gave us their first-hand information on the situation that so closely concerns us all.’

M. de Rayneval spoke first, and for about twenty minutes gave a dissertation on the attitude of Mynheer Van Berkel, the leader of the Republicans in Amsterdam, and on that of the Pensionaries of the other principal Dutch cities; from which it was clear that the great majority of them were only awaiting a firm promise of French support, in the event of intervention by Prussia, to join in a concerted uprising against the Stadtholder.

Roger listened with only half an ear. His mind was full of lunges, ripostes and foot-movements, and he now knew this old story backwards. Since France could not possibly afford a war he was convinced that no such promise would be forthcoming; and that while this powerful group of French Imperialists would continue to egg the Dutch Republicans on in secret they would never dare to commit themselves to any step which might lead to a European conflict.

The Comte de Maillebois then took up the tale. He was the one member of the conference whom Roger had not known by sight, and as he began to give facts and figures about the volunteer Republican bands in various cities, Roger listened to him with somewhat more interest. The Count concluded his remarks by expressing the opinion
that, while, as a professional soldier, he found the Dutch burghers somewhat poor material, they were sufficiently numerous and keen for him to state with confidence that he could hold the northern frontiers with them against the Prussians until a French army could be marched across the country to his assistance.

The Marquis then called in turn on the Minister of War and the Minister of Marine.

The old Marshal de Segur said that, as they all knew, the flower of the French regular army was already assembled in Flanders, under the command of that most brilliant soldier, the Marquis’s brother, M. le Comte de Rochambeau. The word had only to be given for it to be set in motion and, with the aid of the free-corps controlled by M. de Maillebois, all the strong places of the United Provinces would be in French hands within a fortnight.

The Marshal de Castries added that the Fleet was in a state of instant readiness and, with the aid of the insurgents, could take possession of the Dutch ports within a week.

Roger still saw no cause for alarm, and he wondered vaguely why this group of war-mongers bothered to waste their time discussing what they could do in certain eventualities, when they all knew perfectly well that these vast preparations were no more than a game of bluff, and that in actual fact they dared not move a single man or ship.

The Marquis was now speaking again: ‘… and so you see,
Monsieur le Ministre
, the stage is set. ’Twas from a man whose politics and private life I deplore, but for whose brain I have a very great respect, that, a little over a year ago, I first had the idea of forming this secret army within the very walls of the cities of a foreign state, and…’

Roger suppressed a start. M. de Rochambeau could only be referring to the Abbé de Périgord, and the conversation between them that he had overheard while standing in the secret closet. For a moment he was so shaken that he did not catch the next few sentences. It was clear now as the sun in a summer sky that the Marquis had adopted the Abbé’s subtle scheme and all these months been steadily proceeding with it. Roger recalled the instructions for arms to be smuggled in, the great payment of gold to the Dutch Ambassadors, and a hundred details, all of which had remained unconnected in his mind at the time but now fell into place. He was intensely angry to think that M. de
Rochambeau should have fooled him so completely, then followed swift humiliation at the thought that, since the Marquis had concealed nothing from him but the central fact, it was he who had been utterly blind and fooled himself.

‘… and therefore,’ the Marquis was going on, ‘we must not, any longer, regard the Dutch free-corps as groups of political insurgents activated only by a desire to secure certain liberties for themselves. Doubtless they still consider themselves in that light; but, in actual fact, they are now part of the French army; a French Foreign Legion working under French direction who, at our command, will seize the United Provinces and render them, in all but name, a part of France herself.’

‘’Twas a stroke of genius,’ declared de Castries enthusiastically. The Dutch ports will fall into our hands like ripe plums.’

‘And the rich trade in the Dutch Indies,’ added de Coigny.

M. Bérard hit the table. ‘With France in control of the Dutch settlements at the Cape of Good Hope, I vow we’d drive the British India Company into bankrupcty within three years.’

‘Come,
Monsieur le Ministre
,’ urged de Breteuil. ‘You have but to sign a letter for M. de Rayneval to take back with him, and the thing is as good as done.’

M. de Montmorin shook his head. The King, gentlemen, must first agree to this; and I will confess that I have not yet consulted His Majesty upon it. I dare not give such a pledge to our Dutch friends without his assent, or at least that of the Archbishop of Toulouse.’

‘The King!’ exclaimed de Polignac, with contempt. ‘’Twould be fatal to bring him into the business, for he’d not have the resolution to say yea or nay this side of the grave. ’Twas only the other day that
Monsieur
, his brother, said of him, “When you can keep a number of oiled ivory billiard balls together in your hand, you may then do something with the King.” And ’twas a fair assessment.’

Then the Archbishop must be asked to decide for him,’ replied de Montmorin firmly. ‘It will, I fear, come as a shock to you, but as from this evening, His Grace of Toulouse is to formally assume the rôle of Prime Minister. His Majesty informed me personally of this new decision of his at noon today.’

De Montmori’s announcement caused an extraordinary sensation and was met by a chorus of exclamations.

‘Then we’re to return to the old days of Prime Ministers, eh?’

‘I knew he had gained the King’s ear, but hardly suspected this!’

‘God save us all if that ambitious prelate is to rule the roost!’

‘’Tis the height of folly to place supreme power in the hands of so vain and fickle a man at such a time as this!’

‘I’ll not submit to it,’ declared de Castries angrily. ‘I have not built up our Navy only to act as the agent of its destruction on the orders of so incompetent a master; I shall resign.’

‘I, too, shall return my portfolio to His Majesty,’ de Ségur announced. ‘I am too old now to begin transacting my business with the King through any third party.’

‘
Monsieurs! Monsieurs
!’ The Marquis raised his voice to quell the tumult. ‘I beg you to take no rash action for the moment. Even in the face of such a sudden and ill-advised decision on the part of the King, I pray that you will place the interests of the country before your own. I ask you for no more than a fortnight. De Rayneval and de Maillebois inform me that, given this letter pledging French support, the Dutch Republicans have already agreed to launch their
coup d’état
against the Stadtholder on the 10th of September. Should you resign before that date our whole plan will be placed in jeopardy. I most earnestly entreat you to retain, your portfolios till then, whatever you may decide to do afterwards.’

De Breteuil, De Polignac and De Coigny strongly supported M. de Rochambeau and, after a brief discussion, the other Ministers agreed to do as he asked. De Montmorin then said:

‘I regret the concern that my news has caused you, Monsieurs; but I had to make my own position clear. The whole issue must be placed before the Archbishop. If he consents I will do my part as Foreign Minister willingly enough, but not unless.’

Roger relaxed again. All was in the melting-pot once more, and, as usual, no definite action would be taken Besides, he reasoned, even if the Dutch free-corps, having seized power, were fools enough to hand their country over
to French domination, that would not stop the Prussians attempting the Stadtholder’s restoration; and that meant war, which these sabre-rattlers were not prepared to stomach.

At that very moment M. de Montmorin voiced his thoughts with the words: ‘Even if M. de Rochambeau’s contention is correct and, with the aid of his secret columns, we could seize the country virtually overnight, that is no guarantee that the Prussians and the English will not combine against us in an attempt to restore the Stadtholder; and, if they do, a European conflict is inevitable.’

‘What if it is?’ to Roger’s utter amazement, cried the Marquis. ‘Are you so blind as not to see that violent external action of some kind is now our only hope of saving France from internal collapse and chaos. The country is bankrupt, starving, finished as a great power, and on the verge of revolution. One chance alone remains for us to save the monarchy and save ourselves. The attention of the public must be diverted from the state of affairs at home to great events in which France will triumph outside her frontiers. The possibility of pulling off this coup against the United Provinces is a gift from God in our dire extremity. Should it succeed with little bloodshed, so much the better. Within a few months the vast riches of the Dutch will be diverted to fill our lamentably empty coffers. Should a general conflict ensue we shall enter it with an enormous advantage; since the Dutch ports will already be in our possession and we shall hold them as a pistol pointing at England’s breast. Spain, Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden and Russia would all ally themselves with us against Prussia and England; and how could our enemies hope to prevail against such a combination? But ’tis my opinion that they will not dare to fight at all, provided only that we seize the United Provinces before they appreciate what’s toward, and so present them with a
fait accompli:

‘I’d not count upon the English standing down,’ demurred the Duc de Châtelet. ‘During my time at the Court of St. James’s I formed the impression that Mr. Pitt was most anxious to maintain the peace and so put no further drain upon the nation’s resources while it is still recovering from the strain of the late wars. Yet he struck me as a young man who will ever stand by his late father’s principles and draw the sword, however tattered be the scabbard, should he
consider any move in Europe to threaten Britain’s security.’

‘I fear that, too,’ agreed M. de Montmorin. ‘And what could be a more flagrant challenge to Britain than this proposed seizure of the Dutch ports?’

‘’Tis a challenge that must be thrown down sooner or later,’ M. de Rochambeau declared, ‘and, to my mind, seeing our present overriding need to restore our manufacturers to prosperity, the sooner the better. All of you know how strenuously I fought against the Treaty of Commerce that was signed with Britain a year ago. In that I was bested by M. de Vergennes, and what is the result? Today twenty-five thousand workmen stand idle in our good city of Rouen alone, owing to the markets having been flooded by cheap Manchester goods.’

‘Aye, and ’tis the same over half the kingdom,’ the Duc de Normandie supported him. ‘Half the factories in Amiens have been forced to close down, and in Nantes scarce a week passes now without half a dozen of our honest merchants going bankrupt as a result of British competition.’

Admiral de Suffren leaned forward. ‘And ’tis on the success of the shipping ventures of the Nantes merchants, and their like, in peace, that we rely for our best reserves to man the fleet in time of war. Let us tackle the English before they can do us further damage. They are not invincible. I have fought them, and I know.’

The Admiral’s declaration met with almost universal applause and Roger found himself having to entirely readjust his views. It was plain now that these men really wanted war and meant to force the issue to ensure it if they possibly could. M. de Rochambeau’s statement had put a completely different complexion on the whole question. Whereas it had previously seemed that France could not fight because she was bankrupt, that now appeared to be the best possible reason for her doing so.

During a further hour every one of them said his piece, and they were unanimous in their opinion that to take advantage of the present situation in the United Provinces, through the secret army that M. de Rochambeau had so skilfully built up there, offered France her only chance of escape from the internal troubles that menaced her.

M. de Montmorin was brought round to agree with them; but he stood firm on his declaration that he could not take the responsibility for committing the country himself,
and that the new Prime Minister must be consulted before any written pledge could be transmitted to the Dutch Republicans.