Read The Jewish Gospels Online
Authors: Daniel Boyarin
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This point is perhaps most sharply brought out in Fourth Ezra 12:32, in which it is insisted that the heavenly Son of Man comes from the posterity of David, “even though it is not apparent why a descendant of David should come on the clouds.” A.Y. Collins and J.J. Collins,
King and Messiah as Son of God: Divine, Human, and Angelic Messianic Figures in Biblical and Related Literature
(Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2008), 207.
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This point is supported by a very important observation made by Michael Stone: the description of the Redeemer in chapter 13 that is being presented here is unique within Fourth Ezra itself. In all other moments within that text, the Redeemer, while in some sense preexistent, seems to fall much more toward the pole of the human Davidic Messiah tradition than the second divinity that we find in Daniel 7, the Similitudes of Enoch, and Fourth Ezra 13. Moreover, as also observed sharply by Stone, the interpretation of the vision in the second half of chapter 13 suppresses the cosmic divine aspect of the Man. What has not been noticed, I think, is that this matches up beautifully with Daniel 7 itself, in which the vision of a second divine figure, the one like a son of man, is also rendered as entirely human and as an allegorical symbol by the interpretation in the second half of the chapter. Michael Edward Stone,
Fourth Ezra: A Commentary on the Book 1 Fourth Ezra
, ed. Frank Moore Cross (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 211â13.
M
OST (IF NOT ALL)
of the ideas and practices of the Jesus movement of the first century and the beginning of the second centuryâand even laterâcan be safely understood as part of the ideas and practices that we understand to be the Judaism of this period. The ideas of Trinity and incarnation, or certainly the germs of those ideas, were already present among Jewish believers well before Jesus came on the scene to incarnate in himself, as it were, those theological notions and take up his messianic calling.
However, the Jewish background of the ideas of the Jesus movement is only one piece of the new picture I'm sketching here. Much of the most compelling evidence for the Jewishness of the early Jesus communities comes from the Gospels themselves. The Gospels, of course, are almost always understood as the marker of a very great break from Judaism. Over and over, we find within
interpretations of them (whether pious or scholarly) statements of what a radical break is constituted by Jesus' teaching with respect to the “Judaism” of his day. The notions of Judaism as legalistic and rule-bound, as a grim realm of religious anxiety versus Jesus' completely new teaching of love and faith, die very hard.
Even among those who recognize that Jesus himself may very well have been a pious Jewâa special teacher, to be sure, but not one instituting a consequential break with Judaismâthe Gospels, and especially Mark, are taken as the sign of the rupture of Christianity, of its near-total overturn, of the forms of traditional piety. One of the most radical of these displacements is, according to nearly all views, the total rejection by Mark's Jesus of Jewish dietary practices, the kosher rules.
Counter to most views of the matter, according to the Gospel of Mark, Jesus kept kosher, which is to say that he saw himself not as abrogating the Torah but as defending it. There was controversy with some other Jewish leaders as to how best to observe the Law, but none, I will argue, about
whether
to observe it. According to Mark (and Matthew even more so), far from abandoning the laws and practices of the Torah, Jesus was a staunch defender of the Torah against what he perceived to be threats to it from the Pharisees.
The Pharisees were a kind of reform movement within the Jewish people that was centered on Jerusalem and
Judaea. The Pharisees sought to convert other Jews to their way of thinking about God and the Torah, a way of thinking that incorporated seeming changes in the written Torah's practices that were mandated by what the Pharisees called “the tradition of the Elders.” The justification of these reforms in the name of an oral Torah, a tradition passed down by the Elders from Sinai on, would have been experienced by many traditional Jews as a radical change, especially when it involved changing the traditional ways that they and their ancestors had kept the Torah for generations immemorial. At least some of these pharisaic innovations may very well have represented changes in religious practice that took place during the Babylonian Exile, while the Jews who remained “in the land” continued their ancient practices. It is quite plausible, therefore, that other Jews, such as the Galilean Jesus, would reject angrily such ideas as an affront to the Torah and as sacrilege.
Jesus' Judaism was a conservative reaction against some radical innovations in the Law stemming from the Pharisees and Scribes of Jerusalem.
The Gospel of Mark provides the bedrock for this new understanding of Jesus, one with consequences not only for how we understand that Gospel but also for our reading of the Gospels more generally. In the twentieth century a new historical notion of the relations of the Gospels to one another began to form and is now held in most
(but not all) scholarly quarters. Mark is now considered the earliest of the Gospels by most scholars today, who date it to some time right after the destruction of the Temple in
A.D.
70. Matthew and Luke are taken to have used Mark and modified him for their purposes as well as adding other sources for the Gospel, notably a source that communicated many sayings of Jesus.
This new and compelling explanation of how the Synoptic Gospels relate to each other has the perhaps unintended consequence of making the idea of Jesus' near-total abrogation of the Law the very founding moment of the Christian movement. If, as most scholars have opined, the author of Mark was a Gentile and one rather ignorant of Jewish ways at that, then the very beginnings of the Jesus movement are already implicated in a rejection of the Jewish way of life. On the other hand, if Mark was himself a member of a Jewish community and so was his Jesus, then the beginnings of Christianity can be considered in a very different light, as a version, perhaps a radical one, of the religion of the Jews. Jesus, in this view, was fighting not against Judaism but within itâan entirely different matter. Far from being a marginal Jew, Jesus was a leader of one type of Judaism that was being marginalized by another group, the Pharisees, and he was fighting against them as dangerous innovators. This view of Christianity as but a variation within Judaism, and even a highly conservative and traditionalist one, goes to the heart of our description
of the relations in the second, third, and fourth centuries between so-called Jewish Christianity and its early rival, the so-called Gentile Christianity that was eventually (after some centuries) to win the day.
Mark 7 and the Non-Parting of the Ways
In conventional readings of the Gospel of Mark, Jesus' relationship to the Jewish dietary laws is taken as a watershed moment in religious history, when one set of fundamental beliefs is cast out in favor of a new worldview. For centuries, Christian preachers, scholars, and lay readers of Mark have read the Gospel as teaching us not only that Jesus did not keep kosher but also that he permitted all foods that the Torah had forbidden Jews to eat.
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This would be a shift of no small moment, as indeed the dietary laws were then and remain today one of the very hallmarks of Jewish religious practice. If Mark has been misread, however, and his Jesus did not abandon or abrogate such basic Jewish practices as keeping kosher, then our entire sense of where the Jesus movement stands in relation to the Judaism of its time is quite changed. In short, if the earliest of Christians believed that Jesus kept kosher, then we have good reason to view that Christianity as another contending branch of Judaism.
The question of the “Jewishness” of Mark lies at the very heart of our understanding of the historical meaning
of the Jesus movement in its earliest period. Jesus was, according to the view I defend here, not fighting against the Jews or Judaism but with some Jews for what he considered to be the right kind of Judaism. As we have seen in the past two chapters, this kind of Judaism included the idea of a second divine person who would be found on earth in human form as the Messiah (and in the person of that Jesus). The only controversy surrounding Jesus was whether this son of the carpenter of Nazareth truly was the one for whom the Jews were waiting. Taking himself to be that very Jewish Messiah, Son of Man, however, Jesus surely would not have spoken contemptuously of the Torah but would have upheld it.
As read by most commentators, Mark 7 establishes the beginning of the so-called parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity. This is because, according to the traditional interpretation and virtually all modern scholarly ones, in this chapter Jesus declares a major aspect of the Torah's laws, the laws of kashrut (keeping kosher), no longer valid, thus representing a major rupture with the beliefs and practices of virtually all other Jews, pharisaic or not. The representatives of what are arguably the three most central and important scholarly biblical commentary series in the United States, ranging from the Word series for evangelical scholars to the Anchor Bible for the non-confessional and more general (but advanced) audience and then to the very scholarly and
secular Hermeneiaâwhich, taken together, represent the closest thing we have to an authoritative modern reading of the passageâall agree on this in their commentaries on Mark 7, even while disagreeing on much else. Thus Adela Yarbro Collins, in her Hermeneia commentary, writes of verse 19 (“and thus he purified all foods”), “The comment of v. 19c [third clause of v. 19] takes a giant step further and implies, at the very least, that the observance of the food laws for followers of Jesus is not obligatory.”
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In the evangelical scholarly Word commentary, Robert A. Guelich too writes, “Jesus' saying in 7:15 explained with reference to what one eats by 7:18bâ19 means that no foods, even those forbidden by the Levitical law (Lev 11â15), could defile a person before God. In essence, Jesus âmakes all foods clean.'”
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In his commentary in the time-honored Anchor Bible, Joel Marcus writes that “anyone who did what the Markan Jesus does in our passage, denying this dietary distinction and declaring all food to be permissible (7:19), would immediately be identified as a seducer who led the people's heart astray from God (cf. 7:6) and from the holy commandment he had given to Moses (cf. 7:8, 9, 13).”
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This view is the commonly held interpretation of the passage in both the pious and scholarly traditions.
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But did the Markan Jesus do this sacrilegious thing, and is this passage truly a parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity? Reading the text backward from
later Christian practices and beliefs about the written Torah and its abrogations, interpreters and scholars have found a point of origin, even a legend of origin, for their version of Christianity in this chapter. In contrast, reading the text through lenses colored by years of immersion in the Jewish religious literature of the times around Jesus and the evangelists produces a very different perspective on the chapter from the one that has come to be so dominant. Anchoring Mark in its proper historical and cultural context, we find a very different text indeed, one that reveals an inner Jewish controversy, rather than an abrogation of the Torah and denial of Judaism.
It will be well to have the entire narrative in mind for this discussion, so let me begin by citing the text from the NRSV translation:
Now when the Pharisees and some of the scribes who had come from Jerusalem gathered around him,
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they noticed that some of his disciples were eating with defiled hands, that is, without washing them.
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(For the Pharisees, and all the Jews, do not eat unless they thoroughly
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wash their hands, thus observing the tradition of the elders;
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and they do not eat anything from the market unless they wash it; and there are also many other traditions that they observe, the washing of cups, pots, and bronze kettles.)
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So the Pharisees and the scribes asked him,
“Why do your disciples not live according to the tradition of the elders, but eat with defiled hands?”
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He said to them, “Isaiah prophesied rightly about you hypocrites, as it is written, âThis people honors me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me;
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in vain do they worship me, teaching human precepts as doctrines.'
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You abandon the commandment of God and hold to human tradition.”
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Then he said to them, “You have a fine way of rejecting the commandment of God in order to keep your tradition!
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For Moses said, âHonor your father and your mother'; and, âWhoever curses of father or mother must surely die.'
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But you say that if anyone tells father or mother, âWhatever support you might have had from me is Corban' (that is, an offering to God)â
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then you no longer permit doing anything for a father or mother,
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thus making void the word of God through your tradition that you have handed on. And you do many things like this.”
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Then he called the crowd again and said to them, “Listen to me, all of you, and understand:
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there is nothing outside a person that by going in can defile, but the things that come out are what defile.”
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When he had left the crowd and entered the house, his disciples asked him about the parable.
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He said to them, “Then do you also fail to understand? Do you not see that whatever goes into a person from outside cannot defile,
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since it enters, not the heart but
the stomach, and goes out into the sewer?” (Thus he declared all foods clean.)
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And he said, “It is what comes out of a person that defiles.
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For it is from within, from the human heart, that evil intentions come: fornication, theft, murder,
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adultery, avarice, wickedness, deceit, licentiousness, envy, slander, pride, folly.
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All these evil things come from within, and they defile a person.”