The History of England - Vols. 1 to 6 (86 page)
Read The History of England - Vols. 1 to 6 Online
Authors: David Hume
[m]Historia Bell. Sacri, tom. i. Musaei Ital.
[n]Hist. Bell. Sacri, tom. 1. Mus. Ital. Order. Vital. p. 721.
[r]Vertot Hist. de Chev. de Malte, vol. i. p. 46.
[w]Padre Paolo Hist. delle benef. ecclesiast. p. 128.
[x]W. Malm. p. 123.Chron. T. Wykes, p. 24. Annal. Waverl. p. 139. W. Heming. p.
467. Flor. Wig. p. 648. Sim. Dunelm. p. 222. Knyghton, p. 2364.
[y]Eadmer, p. 35. W. Malm. p. 123. W. Heming. p. 467.
[z]G. Newbr. p. 358. W. Gemet. p. 292.
[d]Eadmer, p. 16. Chron. Sax. p. 198.
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[e]Eadmer, p. 17. Diceto, p. 494.
[g]Eadmer, p. 19, 43. Chron. Sax. p. 199.
[h]Order. Vital. p. 682. W. Malmes. p. 123. Knyghton, p. 2369.
[l]Eadmer, p. 25. M. Paris, p. 13. Diceto, p. 494. Spelm. Conc. vol. ii. p. 16.
[q]M. Paris, p. 13. Parker, p. 178.
[r]Eadmer, p. 49. M. Paris, p. 13. Sim. Dun. p. 224.
[t]Spellman, Du Cange, in verb.
Hominium.
[u]W. Heming. p. 467. Flor. Wigorn. p. 649. Sim. Dunelm. p. 224. Brompton, p. 994.
[w]W. Malm. p. 124. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 36. Ypod. Neust. p. 442.
[x]W. Malm. p. 149. The whole is said by Order. Vital. p. 789, to amount to 300,000
men.
[z]W. Malm. p. 125. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 37. Petr. Bles. p. 110.
[b]M. Paris, p. 34. Order. Vital. p. 756. Diceto, p. 498.
[d]Chron. Sax. p. 208. Order. Vital. p. 783.
[e]Chron. Sax. p. 208. Sim. Dunelm. p. 225.
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[g]Matth. Paris, p. 38. Hoveden, p. 468. Brompton, p. 1021. Hagulstad, p. 310.
[h]Glanv. lib. 2. cap. 36. What is called a relief in the Conqueror’s laws, preserved by
Ingulf, seems to have been the heriot; since reliefs, as well as the other burdens of the feudal law, were unknown in the age of the Confessor, whose laws these originally were.
[i]Lib. 7. cap. 16. This practice was contrary to the laws of king Edward, ratified by
the Conqueror, as we learn from Ingulf, p. 91. But laws had at that time very little influence: Power and violence governed every thing.
[k]Chron. Sax. p. 208. W. Malm. p. 156. Matth. Paris, p. 39. Alur. Beverl. p. 144.
[l]Chron. Sax. p. 208. Order. Vital. p. 783. Matth. Paris, p. 39. T. Rudborne, p. 273.
[s]Chron. Sax. p. 209. W. Malmes. p. 156.
[t]H. Hunt. p. 379. M. Paris, p. 43. Brompton, p. 1002.
[u]Eadmer, p. 90. Chron. Sax. p. 214. Order. Vital. p. 821.
[w]Chron. Sax. p. 214. Ann. Waverl. p. 144.
[z]Eadmer, p. 60. This topic is farther enforced in p. 73, 74. See also W. Malm. p.
163.
[a]Eadmer, p. 61. I much suspect, that this text of scripture is a forgery of his holiness:
For I have not been able to find it. Yet it passed current in those ages, and was often quoted by the clergy as the foundation of their power. See Epist. St. Thom. p. 169.
[b]Eadmer, p. 62. W. Malm. p. 225.
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[e]Eadmer, p. 65. W. Malm. p. 225.
[f]Eadmer, p. 66. W. Malm. p. 225. Hoveden, p. 469. Sim. Dunelm. p. 228.
[h]Eadmer, p. 73. W. Malm. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 40.
[m]Padre Paolo sopra benef. eccles. p. 112. W. Malmes. p. 170. Chron. Abb. St. Petri
de Burgo, p. 63. Sim. Dunelm. p. 233.
[q]Eadmer, p. 91. W. Malm. p. 163. Sim. Dunelm. p. 230.
[r]Eadmer, p. 91. W. Malm. p. 164, 227. Hoveden, p. 471. M. Paris, p. 43. T. Rudb. p.
274. Brompton, p. 1000. Wilkins, p. 303. Chron. Dunst. p. 21.
[u]Eadmer, p. 67, 68. Spelm. Conc. vol. ii. p. 22.
[y]Eadmer, p. 83. Chron. Sax. p. 211, 212, 213, 219, 220, 228. H. Hunt. p. 380.
Hoveden, p. 470. Ann. Waverl. p. 143.
[a]H. Hunt. p. 381. M. Paris, p. 47. Diceto, p. 503.
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[c]Sim. Dunelm. p. 242 Alured Beverl. p. 148.
[e]Hoveden, p. 476. Order. Vital. p. 869.
[h]Chron. Sax. p. 215. W. Malm. p. 166. Order. Vital. p. 83.
[NOTE [L]]
Henry, by the feudal customs, was intitled to levy a tax for the marrying of his eldest daughter, and he exacted three shillings a hyde on all England. H. Hunt.
p. 379. Some historians (Brady, p. 270. and Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 182.) heedlessly make this sum amount to above 800,000 pounds of our present money: But it could not exceed 135,000. Five hydes, sometimes less, made a knight’s fee, of which there were about 60,000 in England, consequently near 300,000 hydes; and at the rate of three shillings a hyde, the sum would amount to 45,000 pounds, or 135,000 of our present money. See Rudburne, p. 257. In the Saxon times, there were only computed 243,600
hydes in England.
[i]Chron. Sax. p. 223. W. Malm. p. 165.
[k]W. Malm. p. 175. The annals of Waverly, p. 150, say, that the king asked and
obtained the consent of all the barons.
[l]Eadmer, p. 94. Chron. Sax. p. 212.
[r]Spelm. Conc. vol. ii. p. 34.
[s]Hoveden, p. 478. M. Paris, p. 48. Matth. West. ad ann. 1125. H. Huntingdon, p.
382. It is remarkable, that this last writer, who was a clergyman as well as the others, makes an apology for using such freedom with the fathers of the church; but says, that the fact was notorious, and ought not to be concealed.
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[NOTE [M]]
The legates
a latere,
as they were called, were a kind of delegates, who possessed the full power of the pope in all the provinces committed to their charge, and were very busy in extending, as well as exercising it. They nominated to all vacant benefices, assembled synods, and were anxious to maintain ecclesiastical privileges, which never could be fully protected without incroachments on the civil power. If there were the least concurrence or opposition, it was always supposed that the civil power was to give way: Every deed, which had the least pretence of holding of any thing spiritual, as marriages, testaments, promissory oaths, were brought into the spiritual court, and could not be canvassed before a civil magistrate. These were the established laws of the church; and where a legate was sent immediately from Rome, he was sure to maintain the papal claims with the utmost rigour: But it was an advantage to the king to have the archbishop of Canterbury appointed legate, because the connexions of that prelate with the kingdom tended to moderate his measures.
[x]H. Hunt. p. 385. M. Paris, p. 50.
[a]Gul. Gemet. lib. 8. cap. 29.
[c]Sim. Dunelm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Flor. Wigorn. p. 653. Hoveden, p. 471.
[d]Sim. Dunelm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Hoveden, p. 471. Annal. Waverl. p. 149.
[g]Spellm. p. 305. Blackstone, vol. iii. p. 63. Coke, 2. Inst. 70.
[h]Lambardi Archaionomia ex edit. Twisden Wilkins, p. 235.
[i]Dial. de Scaccario, lib. 1. cap. 7.
[k]Gul. Neubr. p. 360. Brompton, p. 1023.
[m]Ibid. p. 179. Gest. Steph. p. 928.
[n]Matth. Paris, p. 51. Diceto, p. 505. Chron. Dunst. p. 23.
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[p]Such stress was formerly laid on the rite of coronation, that the monkish writers
never give any prince the title of king, till he is crowned; though he had for some time been in possession of the crown, and exercised all the powers of sovereignty.
[q]W. Malmes. p. 179. Hoveden, p. 482.
[z]Trivet, p. 19. Gul. Neub. p. 372. Chron. Heming. p. 487. Brompton, p. 1035.
[a]W. Malm. p. 180. M. Paris, p. 51.
[d]Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmes. p. 181.
[f]W. Malm. p. 182. M. Paris, p. 53.
[i]Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmes. p. 185. Gest. Steph. p. 961.
[l]Chron. Sax. p. 242. Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 676.
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[n]W. Malmes. p. 188. This author, a judicious man, was present, and says, that he
was very attentive to what passed. This speech, therefore, may be regarded as entirely genuine.
[p]P.4. Were this account to be depended on, London must at that time have contained
near 400,000 inhabitants, which is above double the number it contained at the death of queen Elizabeth. But these loose calculations, or rather guesses, deserve very little credit. Peter of Blois, a contemporary writer, and a man of sense, says there were then only forty thousand inhabitants in London, which is much more likely. See Epist. 151.
What Fitz-Stephen says of the prodigious riches, splendor and commerce of London, proves only the great poverty of the other towns of the kingdom, and indeed of all the northern parts of Europe.
[r]Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677. Gervase, p. 1355.
[y]M. Paris, p. 51. Hagul. p. 312.
[c]Fitz-Steph. p. 13. M. Paris, p. 65. Neubr. p. 381. Chron. T. Wykes, p. 30.
[f]Hoveden, p. 491. Fitz-Steph. p. 13. M. Paris, p. 65. Neubr. p. 381. Brompton, p.
1043.
[NOTE [N]]
William of Newbridge, p. 383. (who is copied by later historians) asserts, that Geoffrey had some title to the counties of Maine and Anjou. He pretends, that count Geoffrey, his father, had left him these dominions by a secret will, and had PLL v6.0 (generated September, 2011)
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ordered that his body should not be buried, till Henry should swear to the observance of it, which he, ignorant of the contents, was induced to do. But besides, that this story is not very likely in itself, and savours of monkish fiction, it is found in no other ancient writer, and is contradicted by some of them, particularly the monk of Marmoutier, who had better opportunities than Newbridge of knowing the truth. See Vita Gauf. Duc. Norman. p. 103.
