Captain Schmidt
: I will now interrupt the interrogation of the accused and ask to be allowed to put a few questions to Justice Haller.
Tadeusz Haller
: Certainly.
Captain Schmidt
: We have now heard the accused’s version of events of the crisis weeks before the referendum. As you, Mr Haller, were close to the centre of events all the time, you should be able to give us a more general account of the situation which ended in Velder first deserting the armed forces and then committing high treason.
Tadeusz Haller
: Several of the facts the accused has given appear to me to be correct. During the fortnight prior to the referendum, General Oswald made six big speeches to the nation. Personally, I supported the General’s campaign with a series of articles and public appearances, how many I no longer remember. Both the General and I myself were at this point convinced that the majority of citizens would come to their senses and with their votes give the no-side a firm and comfortable majority. We didn’t know then to what extent defeatism and apathy had managed to spread throughout the treasonable element. The General appeared very calm and certain of victory all the time. Council meetings were still held, the last one, as far as I remember, three days before the referendum. Apart from the General and myself, Janos Edner and Aranca Peterson were there. Joakim Ludolf was abroad then. No questions of importance were ventilated and the atmosphere was noticeably tense. The General, however, was formal and balanced, but Janos Edner repeatedly showed evidence of ill-temper and made one outburst after another. Clearly his defeat in the vote in Council on the thirteenth of November had grieved him sorely. Aranca Peterson seemed more conciliatory and kept saying that we must patch up the differences that had appeared in the Council. To one question from the General, that whether by this she meant that everything should return to the old ways, she replied very characteristically: ‘Naturally’, as if that were absolutely obvious.
Captain Schmidt
: Do you consider that the counter-propaganda by the enemies of the people before the coming referendum was of such a nature that it could have influenced Velder’s attitude?
Tadeusz Haller
: That’s hard to say. The activities of the traitors were so devilishly well calculated and so insidious that even today they are difficult to analyse. Their plans were simply to ignore democratic elections completely. According to available information,
Janos Edner refused to carry out any kind of propaganda whatsoever. He is said to have stated that he found it absolutely out of the question that stupidity had spread to such an extent that more than at most ten or so people in the whole country would consider voting no. Aranca Peterson said on some public occasion that she hoped and believed that all citizens would simply not bother to vote. Joakim Ludolf demonstrated his utter indifference to the will of the people by going abroad to conclude some agreement. For these so-called theoreticians of the old system, this attitude was of course a necessity. They couldn’t urge their eventual supporters to deprive themselves of all democratic rights through a majority in a democratic election.
Commander Kampenmann
: I remember a similar dilemma in my early youth, in a political student society in which we were discussing the question of the mass’s ability to dominate elections. The result was that with an overwhelming majority the meeting decided that the majority is always wrong.
Major von Peters
: That wasn’t all that amusing, was it?
Tadeusz Haller
: The insidiousness of these tactics naturally lay in that the traitors, relying on the remains of their prestige and authority, succeeded in giving the impression to some people that the referendum was nothing but a ridiculous whim, lacking any significance. Thanks to the General’s foresight, however, in the end they fell into their own cunningly contrived trap.
Major von Peters
: What’s wrong with Velder now?
Captain Endicott
: He seems to have fallen into some kind of coma. Exhaustion, I imagine.
Major von Peters
: Exhaustion? From what, may I ask? God, what a sight! An extra-ordinary court martial in which the accused sits and sleeps. Or simulates sleep, more likely.
Captain Schmidt
: Velder’s condition is causing me some anxiety. These repeated faintings and mental blackouts upset both the timetable and procedure of the court martial. I request two hours’ adjournment to allow an expert to examine the man.
Colonel Pigafetta
: The accused is not alone in that state. The President of the Court has not been heard of much during the last hour. If you look at him more closely, you will find that this phenomenon has a highly natural explanation.
Major von Peters
: Mateo! Yes, my God, he’s fallen asleep …
this won’t be easy … I know no one who sleeps as heavily as he does.
Colonel Pigafetta
: I suggest that you use the gentleman in question’s own methods. Take the bloody fool out and pour cold water over him, if nothing else helps.
Major von Peters
: This really isn’t very amusing, is it?
Colonel Pigafetta
: Isn’t it?
Major von Peters
: Mateo, wake up, for God’s sake!
Colonel Orbal
: What … what … leave me alone …
Major von Peters
: Adjourn the session.
Colonel Orbal
: Already? Yes, of course, the session is adjourned until tomorrow at eleven o’clock.
Major von Peters
: No, for two hours.
Colonel Orbal
: Oh?
Colonel Pigafetta
: Now, that’s enough. We meet again at three. Good-day, gentlemen.
* * *
Colonel Orbal
: Damned embarrassing that business this morning. But it was Schmidt’s fault. He stands there mumbling on like an old monk.
Major von Peters
: To put it briefly, he’s damnable. All right, I’m sorry, Kampenmann, perhaps he’s better at sea.
Colonel Orbal
: Brown, is there still no one out there in the hall?
Lieutenant Brown
: No, sir.
Colonel Orbal
: This is absolutely appalling, of course. It’s already a quarter past three and not a sign of either Pigafetta or Haller or any of the parties.
Commander Kampenmann
: There is one thing that surprises me and that’s why Justice Haller isn’t in the government.
Colonel Orbal
: Oh, he’s been both Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of War. Then the Chief of State took on Foreign Affairs himself and General Winckelman got the Ministry of War. Haller is very close to the Chief of State, all the same, as adviser.
Major von Peters
: And then he’s in charge of this business of legislation. It seems to be tremendously important.
Colonel Orbal
: Ach, in any case it’s the Army that decides.
Commander Kampenmann
: Is the strike over?
Colonel Orbal
: No idea. Here are Pigafetta and Haller, anyhow.
Colonel Pigafetta
: I apologise for the delay, gentlemen. The troops in the strike area had asked for a division of assault planes and I was forced to deal with the matter personally.
Colonel Orbal
: Oh, God.
Major von Peters
: And your aeroplanes got there as they should?
Colonel Pigafetta
: I’m prepared to overlook a lot, von Peters, but not the expression you’ve just chosen to use.
Major von Peters
: Aeroplanes?
Colonel Orbal
: Keep your hair on, now, Carl. How did it go?
Colonel Pigafetta
: The strike? It’s blown over.
Major von Peters
: Blown away, I presume.
Colonel Pigafetta
: Not at all. Colonel Orbal was absolutely right, this morning. There was no real need for air support, but the commander of the military area over there didn’t want to waste people unnecessarily by storming one of Ludolf’s old bunkers, where the worst element was entrenched.
Commander Kampenmann
: Strange that we never get rid of these communist fanatics.
Colonel Pigafetta
: We got rid of a number of them today.
Lieutenant Brown
: The parties are here, now, sir.
Colonel Orbal
: Call them in, then.
Captain Schmidt
: I have now consulted an expert on Velder’s condition. I request that he may render his statement to the court martial.
Colonel Orbal
: Of course. As long as he’s not too long-winded. Who is it, but the way?
Captain Schmidt
: Max Gerthoffer, technologist from the Special Department of the Military Police. He has previously given evidence.
Lieutenant Brown
: Would you step forward, please, Mr Gerthoffer. You are to make a statement only, so you need not take the oath.
Gerthoffer
: I tell the truth on principle. Unfortunately my time is limited and I must be extremely brief. It surprises me that this court martial, despite my careful elucidation of these matters, has allowed Velder to undergo anything so utterly pointless as physical torture. Fortunately the object of examination in this case was so well
prepared that the primitive treatment has not to any noticeable degree been able to disturb its mental balance. Its memory seems to be intact still. On the other hand two other matters give cause for anxiety. Firstly, these measures have to a considerable extent weakened Velder’s physique, which seems particularly absurd when one thinks of the trouble to which we went earlier on to respond to and build up his central life function, naturally with exactly the thought in mind that he would be in the best possible condition for interrogation and court martial sessions. As things are now, the greatest care must be devoted to the task of keeping him physically alive, as in their stupidity—I cannot use a milder expression—they have also punctured his eardrums and exposed him to the most unsystematic maltreatment with batons and rubber clubs. These have caused aphasic disturbances. He finds it difficult to connect immediately what he hears with his own thoughts. It is particularly inappropriate to expose him to too intensive interrogation. So-called questioning, or even worse, cross-examination, has a very exhausting effect, as swift adjustments of thought cause such great strain that they quickly lead to a state of coma or complete unconsciousness. If on the other hand, Velder is given the opportunity to produce his memory-pictures in larger complexes and in correct order, you will notice that his ability to remember will remain unbroken, and at the same time the risk of mental exhaustion is more or less eliminated. For a while, I considered the possibility of allowing Velder to go through some kind of will-stimulating surgery, but I don’t think there would be much to gain from that, and also the Special Department is at the moment overwhelmed with work. As recently as today we received several objects of investigation from the riot areas in the Eastern Province. That is largely all I have to say.
Major von Peters
: How are your children?
Gerthoffer
: They’re very well, thank you, though the girl has had a cold nearly all winter. And unfortunately my work stops me from being with them as much as I should wish.
Major von Peters
: Well, it’ll be better when we’ve finally winkled out all those Reds. Thanks for taking the trouble to come here.
Colonel Orbal
: Quite.
Captain Schmidt
: I call Erwin Velder as witness. With regard to Mr Gerthoffer’s indisputable professional knowledge I shall in so far
as possible lead the questioning according to his recommendations.
Colonel Orbal
: I didn’t understand all that.
Commander Kampenmann
: The idea is virtually to let Velder talk and interrupt him as little as possible.
Major von Peters
: Fine, what? Now you can’t even ask the ac-accused questions. Soon we’ll have to begin feeding him and blowing his nose for him, I suppose.
Captain Schmidt
: Brown, would you mind pushing the accused forward. Put him as close to the bar as possible. That’s right. Now, Corporal Velder, can you in your own words describe the events and circumstances surrounding your desertion, beginning from the twelfth of December, the day before the referendum. Try to speak as clearly as possible.
Velder
: Election day, yes. The twelfth of December. That’s right. It was sunny and quite a warm day for winter time.
Major von Peters
: What the hell’s that to do with us?
Colonel Pigafetta
: Can’t you stop interrupting the witness? You’ve seen for yourself what the consequences are.
Major von Peters
: Huh.
Captain Schmidt
: Go on, Velder.
Velder
: Excuse me?
Captain Schmidt
: Election day, the twelfth of December, a sunny and warm day …
Velder
: Fifty-three degrees in the shade. The General cast his vote at the polling station in Oswaldsburg early in the morning. Then I drove him in a jeep to Ludolfsport and some smaller places. He travelled around to encourage the voters. It was important to give them a push at the last moment, he said. All citizens over fifteen had received printed ballot papers and a register of electors had been set up. There weren’t very many people about round the polling stations. But at one place in Ludolfsport there was a group of supporters who cheered as we drove past. In the afternoon we took the coastal road to Marbella. Things looked about the same there. The General seemed exhilarated and optimistic. He said several times that whatever happened, Janos Edner and the others had made a mistake in ignoring the referendum. But he also said that he was certain that the no-alternative would get a majority. Absolutely certain. There were hardly any militiamen about. For some reason
which I don’t understand, large numbers of militiamen had had orders not to take part in the referendum. Soon after five o’clock, we got back to Oswaldsburg, where the General had dinner with Tadeusz Haller. I wasn’t present at the meal, but took the opportunity to go home for a while. I remember that I observed that militia signalmen had put loudspeakers up all over the town and that people were told over and over again to go and exercise their rights as citizens by voting no. After eating with my wives and children, I went back to fetch the General. It was about ten minutes to seven and already dark. Then I went with the General and Haller to the office. We got there just after seven.