The Fifth Season (18 page)

The analyst checked the site for any detail he might have overlooked, but found nothing, confident that if the Indian Government
was
up to something there, this COMINT section would be the first to know. He removed his glasses and rubbed tired eyes, then returned to the photographs for one final examination. The captured imagery indicated nothing suspicious, and the analyst annotated these findings in his hourly log, confirming that nothing had been detected which might suggest anything alarming was taking place on the Indian subcontinent.

* * * *

President Suhapto remained silent as he listened to each of his advisers offer their opinions in relation to the International Monetary Fund's demands. He appeared confused as to how his country could have possibly arrived at this juncture, destabilized by the growing Asian financial crisis. He had dedicated the greater part of his life to the Republic, first as a soldier fighting for its independence, and later as its President, guiding its growth, while nurturing his people.

Suhapto had little difficulty recalling the state of the nation when he took control during the bloody years of civil war. Then, the country was officially bankrupt. Inflation ran at ten percent per week, there were few imports, and foreign investment was practically non-existent. Even his military could not function. There were no spare-parts for the Soviet armaments, and little money to purchase uniforms and food for the troops.

He remembered that, at the time he assumed office, his people's life expectancy was less than fifty years, and the literacy rate not much above forty percent. Now, sitting quietly listening to his advisers, Suhapto felt extremely weary, almost too tired to fight yet another battle, particularly one against an enemy he did not understand.
What had suddenly happened
to his country's wealth? What had triggered these events which now threatened
to destroy everything he had achieved?

However, the country's financial crisis was not what now occupied his mind. He had become gravely concerned with his son-in-law's insistence that elements within the military were considering aborting the forthcoming session of Parliament to prevent his reappointment as President.

Suhapto always knew that it would come to this; after all, there had never been a change of leadership in his country for more than a thousand years which had not been effected by violence. And now, if what young General 

Praboyo had to say could be believed, then he should pre-empt those responsible, and before their initiative gained any significant support.

Praboyo had requested the audience at which time he had relayed his suspicions that the current Armed Forces Chief, Lieutenant General Fahmi Tjahadi was in complicity with several other senior ranking officers intent on thwarting the forthcoming elections. Praboyo acknowledged that he had no hard evidence, only that of rumor, but he did insist that the current Strategic Army Forces Commander had been spending an unusual amount of time with Tjahadi, the Chief of Staff. President Suhapto was aware of existing animosities; that there had been little love lost between the two men, particularly as Praboyo enjoyed a special relationship with his President. The thought had also crossed his mind as to how much trust he could really place in his ambitious son-in-law. The uncertainty could not have come at a worse time, he thought, his mind returning to the purpose for the morning session. He attempted to concentrate, but his head was still clouded with his most senior general's imminent treachery.

‘..and the IMF now confirms that, unless we adhere to the guidelines as stipu-lated in the draft agreement, they will be unable to provide the funds we have
requested.'
The Minister finished his report, looked directly into his President's eyes, and was surprised with the initial lack of response. The
Bapak
appeared tired, he thought, wondering if the rumors relating to his health had any substance. He dismissed this thought, realizing that Indonesia seems to thrive off rumors relating to their aging President, and his family.

‘Why do you think the IMF wishes to penalize us with these cruel demands?'

Suhapto asked, amazed that an organization such as this could expect overnight solutions to his country's dilemma.

‘They have given us two weeks to commence removing these subsidies, Bapak,
otherwise the first installment will not be made. Perhaps we should consider
what they have asked,'
the Finance Minister suggested anxiously. The first payment of four billion dollars would not, he realized sadly, be sufficient to cover their immediate needs. The country's coffers were in desperate need of a major injection. Deep down the Minister was exasperated with his President, conscious that responsibility for the current financial crisis effectively lay with the First Family, and their excesses.

‘If we were to agree to just some of their demands?'
Suhapto asked. Those who had studied this man would agree that the former general was, indeed, a most Machiavellian creature. Although many believed that his decisions were often simplistic and lacked substance, he had managed to rule his country with an iron hand, successfully removing any resistance or opposition to his leadership.

‘Then, at least, we should be able to continue our dialogue with them, Bapak.

The most important issues are their demands for banking reform, and cancellation
of a number of cooperative agreements.'
The adviser was reluctant to be more forthright regarding the IMF demands, and their call to have the many monopolies controlled by the First Family, abolished. To suggest such action to the President would be sheer folly. He glanced around the conference room wondering how many of those present had managed to transfer their funds overseas before the most recent debacle involving the Rupiah.

His eyes came to rest on the man whose nomination as the next Vice President was responsible for that calamitous day the week before, when the exchange rate plummeted from eight thousand to the American dollar, to seventeen thousand on international markets. At that moment, the focus of his attention, Dr L.B. Hababli caught his eye and smiled, and the adviser responded, while inwardly despising the President's choice.
What
on earth had swayed their leader to propose this man as his Vice President?
he postulated, knowing, as did those closest to the country's leadership, that Hababli had little experience, and was openly criticized by the military. He had no service background, and was not even Javanese.

Born in a small village near Gorontalo in Northern Sulawesi, the adviser believed it would be most unlikely that the Javanese Moslem Generals would ever permit this man to succeed as President. But then, of course, he knew that Hababli had the President's ear, and more importantly, his support. His thoughts returned to the problems at hand as Suhapto spoke.

‘We should implement the order to remove subsidies on cooking oil, kerosene,
and pesticides,'
the President announced, surprising all present. Immediately, they all looked at each other, stunned with the decision. There was not one present who did not clearly understand the ramifications of removing subsidies on these basic commodities.
‘Tell the IMF that we agree
to do this. Tell the IMF also that we will consider their other requests once they
have finalized their undertakings as discussed.'

‘But Bapak,'
the Minister for Home Affairs appealed,
‘that will send the
prices of those items soaring! There's certain to be unrest if we do this.'

‘The Armed Forces must then be more alert, and take control of the situation,'
was the President's response. He had made his decision, and there would be no further debate.
‘We must do what is asked of us,'
he declared, rising slowly to his feet, indicating that the session was finished. He nodded, then turned and walked slowly from the room, accompanied by his adjutant, and personal assistant, leaving Cabinet Ministers and other advisers to watch his departure in silence.

Alone, resting from the demanding meeting, President Suhapto considered his decisions of the past days and nodded silently to himself, believing that his actions would circumvent any possible threat to his power and his family's wealth. He recognized that, in selecting Hababli as his choice for Vice President he had offended some within the military but in doing so, believed that he had also strengthened his own position.

It would be unlikely that his opponents would have him removed as long as Hababli remained Vice President. As for the subsidies, once the IMF had completed the final installment of the forty billion dollar package, he intended reinstating the subsidies anyway.

In the interim, he accepted that there would be considerable unrest as a result of his decisions. This would keep
ABRI
, his military occupied which, in turn, would provide him with the opportunity to rethink the armed forces leadership. He knew there were rumblings amongst the senior officers; his son-in-law, Praboyo, continued to keep him informed.

As his thoughts drifted, he was reminded of an earlier era, when he too had grabbed the golden ring, and became the nation's leader. It had not been too difficult, he remembered, moving to undermine the former President's position until finally taking control on behalf of the people, knowing that he had the support of the American Government. His position as the
Kostrad
Army Strategic Forces Commander had given him the necessary strength to defeat and remove all other opposition; that, and the fact that many of his superiors had all been murdered, clearing the way for his rapid ascent. With this thought in mind, President Suhapto made his final decision for the day, deciding to reward his son-in-law for his loyalty, while further shoring up his own position in respect to the military.

The following morning the Palace announced the appointment of General Winarko as the new Chief of the Armed Forces, and the promotion of General Praboyo from the
Kopassus
Special Forces to become Commander of
Kostrad.
Foreign military observers scrambled to determine what might evolve as a result of this most recent power play, considering the ramifications of Praboyo's appointment to the powerful Strategic Forces as its commander
.

When the new line-up was announced, the President's tactics became clear. He had promoted his outgoing Chief of Staff to a more senior, political post, one which distanced the suspect officer from any direct control over troops. Foreign military attaches were caught off-guard, having little information regarding the new Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Winarko. Within hours, the handsome Javanese General's photograph was flashed around the world and, before evening fell, details of his service records were already well known to most foreign governments. The surprise announcements prompted rumors within political circles that the President was strengthening the First Family's support base in preparation for his reappointment, and in so doing, had again demonstrated his gift as a masterful tactician.

‘Don't be childish!' Hani pouted, her resistance obviously feigned.

‘Come on Hani, let's see who they're talking about,' Wanti pleaded, recognizing one of the young undergraduates gathered nearby, laughing at some anecdote. As the girls approached, the boys turned and welcomed them. Wanti moved directly to the side of a tall Sumatran lad who smiled awkwardly, obviously embarrassed by her attention. Although the students were all of a similar age, the girls' advanced maturity placed them well ahead of their counterparts.

‘What's the gossip?'
Wanti asked, in her typical forward manner. Hani remained silent, clutching several textbooks to her chest. Realizing that she stood so momentarily annoyed the smaller student, recognizing that she had developed this habit whenever alongside Wanti and her well-formed breasts.

‘No gossip, just organizing next week's rally,'
an older boy responded. He eyed Hani closely, pleased with what he saw.

‘What will you be demonstrating for this time?'
Wanti asked, not really all that interested, but pleased to be amongst the boys.

‘We are going to express our dissatisfaction with the government's removal of
subsidies,'
said another.
‘Will you support our demonstration?'

Hani remembered her father's instructions and immediately regretted having joined the group. He had been quite explicit, warning her not to become involved in campus political activities. The most recent outbreak of riots had been efficiently, and brutally suppressed within days. As helicopters maintained their vigilance in the capital's sky overhead reminding the students that the Minister for Education's warning prohibited students from demonstrating off-campus, rumors claiming that some of their number had disappeared, spread quickly.

Hani knew many of the student activists and accepted that it was important that she not become involved, remembering her father's insistence that she avoid any such participation. Hani was tempted to join with her friends, but obeyed, albeit reluctantly. The general's suggestion that the penalty for non-compliance would result in her returning to Sukabumi, prompted Hani to swear that she would obey his command.

Prior to
Kolonel Purwadira
relocating his family from the provincial mountain city of Sukabumi to the capital where he would assume his new post as the Jakarta Garrison Police Commander, the West Javanese-born officer discussed the city's political environment at length with his wife and three children, extracting undertakings from all that they were to adhere strictly to the code of behavior expected of those associated with the senior position he had accepted. Upon their arrival, Hani's father was promoted to Brigadier General in line with others holding similar positions throughout the Police and Armed Forces. As members of the military elite, opportunities previously considered unachievable suddenly became a reality, to the delight of all.