The Everything Theodore Roosevelt Book (24 page)

New York State Republican Party boss Thomas C. Platt served in the U.S. Senate briefly in 1881 and from 1897–1909. His chief claim to fame occurred on January 21, 1897, when his photograph in the
New York Tribune
became the first halftone reproduction to appear in a mass circulation daily paper.

Part of Platt’s reluctance to endorse TR had to do with the young man’s character. Some people, Platt among them, perceived TR as an overzealous, myopic reformer who could not or would not be flexible in his attempts to root out corruption or seek social justice. That characterization haunted Platt.

He feared that neither Republicans nor independents would vote for TR because of his intransigence on reform issues. In truth, Roosevelt was not as inflexible as some people thought.

TR was interested in results, and he realized that the only way to get them was by working with a range of people who shared his goals. He was a man of action, but not one who acted just to do something. He listened to people who had good ideas, and he was willing to accomplish his goals in small steps, rather than all at once.

Not everybody believed TR could compromise to get things done. Poet Edgar Lee Masters wrote in 1904, “One of Mr. Roosevelt’s apologists has said that he compromised with his ideals in order to get power to carry some of them into effect. But this never has and never can be done. The man who thus sophisticates with his own mind has surrendered his power.”

TR knew the meaning of compromise—and the limitations of power. That is what Platt wanted to hear.

TR Runs as a Republican

To prove that he understood the meaning of compromise, TR promised Platt that he would consult with him on appointments to office and important policy matters. That was good enough for Platt. He agreed to support TR for the governor’s office. A few months later, he couldn’t wait to get rid of TR.

Once Platt gave TR his blessing, the now-Republican candidate notified the Citizens Union group that he could not accept its nomination. He ran as a Republican. The Citizens Union replaced Roosevelt with Theodore Bacon.

TR ran his campaign in a low-key fashion, based more on his popularity than any specific platform. He promised the voters he would run a “clean” administration without outlining anything specific. That was enough for them, although his election was far from a landslide.

In the gubernatorial election of 1898, TR attracted 661,707 votes. His Democratic foe, Augustus Van Wyck, had 643,921. Bacon received 2,103 votes. New York state had a new governor: Theodore Roosevelt. His tenure was short-lived.

Corruption Becomes a Target

TR assumed office on January 1, 1899. He quickly justified the Republicans’ and Democrats’ fears that he would attempt reforms, this time statewide instead of only in New York City. Governor Roosevelt pushed for—and got passed—some progressive legislation. And, he did not waste any time showing Platt that “consultation” had many definitions as the two men became embroiled in an Erie Canal debate.

Governor Roosevelt made the resumption of the state’s canal system a top priority in 1899. He appointed the Committee on Canals to study the system and make recommendations for action. Based on their recommendations and TR’s intercession, the Barge Canal System emerged.

One of the most scandal-ridden departments in Black’s administration had been the state canal system office, where there was a need for a new administrator. The entire canal system was in danger of collapsing in 1898 due to insufficient funds. Work stopped suddenly on the partially completed “Nine Million Dollar Improvement,” as it was called. The new governor would not allow that to happen.

Platt promised the job of canal director to a Syracuse crony, Francis J. Hendricks. TR objected to the appointment and offered his own list of candidates.

TR did not select a particular person; he simply told Platt to pick one from the list. From that point on, that was the method by which most administrative positions were filled. Platt got his desired role in the process, but TR maintained his independence, which he also exercised in the lawmaking process. Moreover, he saved the state money.

From March 1889 to October 1889, it cost the state $450,000 to operate its canals, compared to $590,000 for the same period the previous year, a savings of about 25 percent. The comparative costs are somewhat misleading, since there was more activity on the canals in the 1889 fiscal year. That was TR’s goal as governor: higher productivity for less cost.

Canal restoration was one of several issues TR addressed in his first year in office. He supported laws to advance civil service reform law in New York and the United States, improve conditions in tenement sweatshops in New York City, strengthen factory inspection procedures, limit work hours for public employees and women and children to eight hours a day, improve the public education system, and conserve resources.

Equal taxation was a cornerstone of TR’s governorship. He noted in his first annual message, “Absolute equality, absolute justice in matters of taxation will probably never be realized; but we can approximate it much more closely than at present.” His attempts to achieve equality and justice in taxation created a rift with Republican Party leaders.

He advocated a minimum wage for New York City schoolteachers, sought legislation to allow the state Supreme Court to inspect corporations’ books, and backed anti-monopoly laws. One effort in particular incensed Platt and the party leaders: TR pushed through a new tax on public franchises. In the process, he was biting the hand that fed Platt and his cronies.

Taxing Public Franchises and Platt’s Patience

Large corporations in New York provided Republican Party leaders with hefty monetary donations. Platt did not want to see those funds dry up. TR wasn’t averse to political contributions; he was concerned that many of the corporations that provided the funding were not paying their fair shares of taxes. The two men locked horns over the issue.

TR was puzzled about why people opposed the franchise tax. He wrote, “I came to the conclusion that it was a matter of plain decency and honesty that these companies should pay a tax on their franchises, inasmuch as they did nothing that could be considered as service rendered the public in lieu of a tax.” That settled the matter in his mind.

Many of the corporations that supported Platt and the party financially operated public franchises that supplied services such as water and gas. These franchises were not taxed. Neither they nor the political bosses wanted them to be. The governor did. He forced a franchise tax through the state legislature.

TR’s justification for the franchise tax was clear. He said, “A change should never be shirked on the ground of its being radical, when the abuse has become flagrant and no other remedy appears possible. This was the case with the taxation of local franchises in this State.” He won the argument and initiated a political falling out with Platt.

The governor’s successful implementation of the franchise tax accomplished two things: it added money to the state’s coffers and angered Platt, whose minions grew concerned that the boss could not control TR. Even worse from Platt’s standpoint, Roosevelt was winning the public relations campaign and would have been a shoo-in for re-election, which the party boss did not want.

The Power of Public Relations

The new governor was not content to simply oversee the passage of laws. He enlisted the aid of the press corps to make sure the citizens of the state knew that he was working incessantly on their behalf and defying the machine. He knew the value of good public relations and newspapers.

TR met twice daily with the Capitol press corps when he was in Albany to answer questions and provide rumors, gossip, and anecdotes about various topics. There was a price for his “show.” If press corps members published anything other than official news, they would be banned from his press conferences. Not many of them were willing to pay that price.

TR also gained favor with the public as he traveled tirelessly around the state making speeches and presiding over ceremonial affairs. The people did not care much what he had to say. They were just happy that their governor made it clear he was on their side and that he was pursuing their interests despite opposition from legislators and party bosses. As a result, legislators and bosses alike grew somewhat reluctant to challenge TR.

A Rift Develops Between Platt and TR

Another area in which the governor was making sometimes unwelcome inroads was the relationship between the state and corporate wealth. Platt and his supporters were not pleased that TR was seeking to balance corporate profits with the needs of the general public. This was an old battle for TR, but it created another wedge between him and the party bosses.

“Nothing needs closer attention, nothing deserves to be treated with more courage, caution and sanity, than the relations of the State to corporate wealth, and indeed to vast individual wealth,” he proclaimed.

TR was exhibiting his political acumen in pointing out that new government and business relationships were needed to deal with the upcoming twentieth-century revolution in industrial and societal conditions. He intended as governor to usher in some of those changes.

There were some areas in which TR governed that did not upset the Republican Party. One of them was conservation, long a favorite issue of his. He advocated the improvement of laws governing fisheries, forests, and game, including an increase in the number of game wardens and a reorganization of the Fisheries, Forest and Game Commission.

His purposes were to manage the state’s forests and wildlife as efficiently and cost effectively as possible, improve the related laws and administration, and provide recreational outlets for the public.