The Dutch (18 page)

The Roulfs were proud of Gustoff. Henri and Reylana were relieved that their once troubled child had embraced a bright future, for a gunsmith was considered a respected profession, as lucrative as it was dangerous. Only Reylana foresaw her son's history of brash behavior might erupt at any time. She warned Gustoff to make sensible and well thought out decisions as he assumed such a prominent position. She specifically warned Gustoff about misusing power.

A week later, while the Garrison Commander was away, the city awoke to a cascade of cannon fire. The sound of the loud discharges reminded everyone in the city of the recent calamity. It forced a grieving population, still in mourning, to relive the tragic events of the explosion. It seemed Gustoff was using his authority as gunsmith to test fire all the remaining English cannons. As Gustoff predicted, the cannons worked flawlessly and the test firing was completed without incident. The only damage was to Gustoff's reputation for the people were beginning to perceive the new gunsmith as an arrogant young man.

Gustoff seemed oblivious to the public outrage, despite a series of warnings from his mother to delay further firing exercises. Gustoff continued to fire the cannons, now intent on teaching his gun crews to load and fire the powerful weapons accurately. When he was satisfied with the performance of his professional artillerymen, he ordered training exercises for the militia who now manned the older batteries. The roar of cannon fire continued for many days. The public's discontent gave the garrison commander the excuse needed to remove Gustoff as acting gunsmith upon his return. The commander had never forgotten his public embarrassment. When Reylana reproached Gustoff for not following her advice, he became angry and left for Amsterdam without as much as a farewell to his family. Upon his arrival he found work repairing small arms and as required by law joined the common militia. When Amsterdam's chief magistrate learned of his knowledge of weaponry, he had Gustoff appointed commanded of the militia's small battery of six field guns. He received no pay for the position, but it carried the militia rank of Ensign of Artillery and an officer's uniform which delighted Gustoff.

Amsterdam in 1580 A.D. was a city alive with conversation and a volume of chatter that was returning to pre-war levels. It had been two glorious years since the people formally accepted the Protestant Reformation and expelled the Catholic hierarchy and their pro-Spanish magistrates. The citizens were comfortable with the vaulted status they achieved as the newest and most essential member of the independence-oriented providences. The elimination of the repressive Spanish courts and Inquisitors allowed a return to the more traditional atmosphere of freely speaking one's mind on the streets of Amsterdam. Most residents were no longer felt threatened by religious and political persecution and expressing personal opinions at meeting halls, market places and waterfront taverns. Yet this feeling of security ended at the city's gates. A greater threat had been growing unchecked in the surrounding countryside and this new enemy had little regard for religious dogma or political debate. Thieves and murderers care little about such things.

The actual conversion of Amsterdam from a Catholic dominated government supportive of the King; to the Protestant controlled municipal body firmly committed to independence, had been all but bloodless. People awoke one day to find the fervent Catholic nobles, magistrates, and royal officials, whose power base evaporated as the city converted to Protestantism, had unexpectedly departed by ship. The Zuider Zee would carry them to a friendlier Spanish-occupied territory of the Netherlands. The Catholic Bishop, with his retainers of priests, nuns, and lay officials, all carrying valuable artifacts of silver and gold, departed on different ships in the same exodus.

The collapse happened as rapidly as the flood of 1287, which broke through the barrier dunes and allowed Amsterdam access to the newly configured Zuider Zee. That access opened the door for Amsterdam's prominence in the sea trade but sadly more than fifty thousand people were killed when the North Sea burst through the dunes to create that inland lake. Yet, virtually overnight, because of that great deluge, Amsterdam became a port. Many felt the recent change in governments would again flood the city with opportunity almost as quickly.

The new government, heavily influenced by Calvinists, immediately confiscated Catholic churches, vacant monasteries, and empty convents, after mobs of true believers had destroyed every statue and painting of the saints left behind. They also seized land and property from citizens who had collaborated with the prior government and acquired their holdings by questionable means. While some ordinary Catholics fled, others immediately converted to Protestantism while still others kept to their faith. In a surprising consolatory move, the new Protestant city council offered two brave priests who remained the right to purchase a conventicler or less conspicuous common house to hold Catholic services for those who stayed and retained their Catholic faith. The Protestant-dominated council decided that if Catholics citizens remained loyal to the new government, they would be allowed a less conspicuous freedom of worship, but the freedom to worship just the same.

The appointment of the Baron Clifford van Weir as Commander of the Garrison, by the Estate General at The Hague, surprised everyone in Amsterdam. The Baron, the Lord of the Droger Land, was the one successful Dutch cavalry commander in the war with Spain. Most thought he and his soldiers were needed desperately against the advancing Spanish legions in the south. His relatively small band of cavalry had been victorious, while larger Dutch Armies had suffered defeat. During the Papal dominance his name was only whispered on the streets of Amsterdam. Those supporting the King portrayed him as a savage devil; those favoring independence painted his image as one of an avenging angel. It was rumored that he had hung wavering Protestant nobles for collaborating with Royal officials. Since getting word of his appointment; local officials were attempting to portray a less frightening image of their new commander who would now control the city and its military forces. The leaders of the different gangs of thieves that surrounded the city were not buying the new benevolent image of this Dutch warlord. The thieves were ready to resist any change in the status quo attempted by the new commander.

Years earlier, Clifford van Weir, the Lord of the Droger Land, was one of the first nobles to take up arms against the invading Spanish Army. His decision to fight had been important to the people in Holland, because the van Weirs were the bluest of the blue-blooded Dutch nobility. Everyone was aware his family tree could authentically be traced to Roman times. While better known and more powerful nobles procrastinated or supported the King, it was significant to the people of Holland that the newest patriarch of the van Weir family championed the struggle for independence with his sword. The Baron's call to arms was answered by a few hundred of Holland's best horsemen. Most were Calvinist, but a few were Catholics from his own Duchy of the Droger Land. They would prove to be a greater threat to Spanish occupation in the countryside than previous feeble Dutch attempts at resistance in the cities. The Baron's little force became a very effective military unit, waging a ferocious guerrilla campaign of attrition against the larger yet surprisingly vulnerable Spanish Army. They inflicted damage on isolated Spanish detachments and ambushed larger Spanish units of heavy cavalry sent in pursuit. His successes only grew when the Baron's men discarded the lance in favor of pistols and swords. It proved to be a good decision. The Spanish cavalrymen rarely got close enough to use their lances. These small victories demoralized the invaders and sparked Dutch resistance which turned into wholesale defiance of the occupation. The Spanish Army, trained for combat on dryer ground, found it difficult to deal with the ability of the Baron's horsemen to traverse the Netherlands's aquatic landscape almost at will, always keeping their firearms dry.

The ability of the Baron's troopers to move freely was the reason the Estates General, the new Republic's governing body, appointed him to the Amsterdam command. While Amsterdam's citizens were safe within the massive walls, a new home-grown threat was jeopardizing the developing economic vitality of the entire region. On every road and waterway that lead to Amsterdam the “Wild Men of the Forest” a collection of bandit gangs, motivated by greed, were disrupting the flow of people and merchandise to a city that was destined to become the greatest center of commerce in the world. Traditional Dutch Law forbade magistrates, sheriffs, and militias from taking action outside the immediate walls. It was an age-old custom to protect the people in the countryside from domination by the more powerful forces that controlled a city. Most of Amsterdam's citizens hoped that the new commander would attempt to reach a non-violent solution with the disruptive bandits. On the other hand, Clifford van Weir had a reputation for being more of a warlord than a diplomat. These questions would soon be answered as the Baron and his horsemen were already approaching the city.

The new commander and his two hundred cavalrymen completed the day-long journey in eighteen hours, purposely avoiding confrontation by arriving as the sun was rising over Amsterdam. The trip was uneventful except for hostile stares from gang members and shabby onlookers that the column had startled from sleep after approaching within five miles of the city. For the next few miles they awakened other men who met them with the same adverse stares. Drawing within a mile of the city, the atmosphere changed, crowds of cheering farmers offered mugs of warm beer to the troops, as they walked their horses the last mile of their journey. At the main gate, they were met by sheriffs who guided the column through the narrow streets lined by cheering people till they reached the center of the city. As they approached the main hall, the Baron could see a group of assembled estate members, magistrates, and others awaiting his arrival. The dignitaries were flanked by detachments of the three local militias in their finest military regalia.

The smallest militia group, elderly nobles and wealthy merchants, mounted on magnificent horses, seemed to glow as the morning sun met their well-polished armor and weapons. The Baron made a mental note that this group would be the least helpful in a campaign against the wild men. The largest group, the common militia, were infantry whose members came from the guilds and were armed with pikes and other antiquated weapons. Yet his experiences told him this spirited and patriotic group would defend this city with their bare hands against any enemy invader. The third group was well-armed, mounted men armed with an assortment of matchlock weapons. These were the most highly motivated citizens in the city, skilled craftsmen, shipwrights and other assorted entrepreneurs, who, with training, would be well suited for the military campaign he planned. These Burgers were the backbone of the Dutch resistance to Spain. The Baron respectfully reviewed the militia detachments, praising each and stopping to speak with each military commander. It went unnoticed to onlookers that he had spent more time with the leader of the third group, mounted men known as the Clover Militia.

The “Lord of the Droger Land” seemed embarrassed as the cannons on the city walls blazed forth a salute, and he reluctantly accepted a gift, a brace of expensive silver-plated match lock pistols presented to him. When the speeches ended, he had sheriffs lead his horsemen to their quarters. The Baron van Weir was pleased with the site of an old monastery chosen to accommodate his men. The old church and two large buildings were converted to barracks with fresh straw and new blankets provided for each of his soldiers as bedding. Such lodging was a luxury for troops used to the protection of only tarps or tents. The Baron noted the high stone wall, surrounding the complex, gave his men privacy and made the task of securing the facility easier. The Baron requested a detachment of sheriffs to guard the entrance ways while his men rested.

Upon entering the makeshift barracks, his men found a host of the city's matrons carefully tending large iron pots filled with a variety of wonderful fish or meat stews. Large tables were covered with freshly baked breads and biscuits and an assortment of cheeses. An abundance of wooden kegs of ale were donated by the cities best brewers; Amsterdam had a reputation for brewing the best beer in the Netherlands. The Baron particularly enjoyed the ale as he lunched with his men. His soldiers were anticipating a few days to enjoy the generous hospitality of the city, when the Baron unexpectedly confined them to the barrack's area. After the fine meal, the Baron was escorted to a large house, adjacent to the complex, the former residency of the Catholic bishop. The house was designated as his official residence. It was a magnificent home but sparsely furnished, since most of the furniture had been looted following the bishop's hasty departure. A housekeeper led him to a fresh bed for a brief rest. Once awake, he sent his scribe to the homes of the Chief Magistrate and High Sheriff (Schout), requesting them to meet with him immediately. The Baron was told that they were good men who could be trusted to give truthful opinions and most importantly, follow commands.

Imprisonment for crimes was almost unknown in the sixteenth century Netherlands. A person convicted of a serious crime was usually put to death. Less serious crimes might be settled with compensation to the victim or banishment from the city. The laws of banishment were well known, and seldom used. If a person was banished from a city or walled town, the sentence was strictly enforced. A banished criminal was relatively free to roam the countryside as long as he did not come within a mile and a half of a town or city. This distance was clearly marked on Ban-Palen posts on every road and canal which led to Amsterdam. A banished person caught inside these posts were commonly put to death without trial. Banished persons had a difficult time finding employment and many roamed the countryside eventually committing other crimes. They were often referred to as the “Wild Men of the Forest.” Most were usually forced to live in the woods because any banishment usually barred their entry to the villages which dotted the countryside. The misuse of the traditional laws of banishment was the root cause of the present problems confronting the city; the very existence of these evil gangs was for the most part self-inflicted.

For the previous decade, the judicial system in Amsterdam was corrupted by the negative influence of the Catholic Bishop. The supposed “Holiest of Men” used his influence to replace competent and honest magistrates and sheriffs, who were dedicated to maintaining good order, with dishonest and unscrupulous but loyal catholic laymen. He picked those ill suited to hold an office of responsibility. The men selected as magistrates and sheriffs became fixated on the Bishop's and King's goals of pursuing anyone suspected of following the Reformation. The bishop's appointees also used the positions to enrich themselves. Corruption and bribery became commonplace. The proclamation of banishment became the universal tool of incompetent and lazy judicial officials for all secular crimes within the city. Murders and rapists, previously punished by death, received the same punishment as petty thieves, banishment.

This left these hardened criminals the opportunity to commit similar crimes on innocent people outside the city walls. In Amsterdam, almost any accusation led to conviction and banishment to the countryside. The number grew substantially during the Bishop's reign. It seemed the Catholic magistrates felt the ultimate penalty of death be reserved for heretics. The new policy toward banishment increased the numbers of the wild men surrounding the city. The career criminals, escaping the ultimate punishment, were able to organize other banished men into gangs that preyed on a specific roadway or canal leading to the city. At the beginning of the Spanish occupation, the wild men won some public sympathy by confining their attacks to those arriving from Spain to enforce King Philip's will. The growth of the gangs was enhanced by new Protestant members fleeing the King's oppression and had found sanctuary among them and stayed. The membership again swelled when Spain blockaded northern ports. The embargo created a pool of young unemployed men easily recruited into crime. The occasional violent act of a single wild man or two grew into eight loosely affiliated criminal organizations that controlled all the major roads and canals that approached the city. They attacked anyone whom they deemed vulnerable, committing violent acts when victims resisted. Farmers, merchants, and travelers were forced to pay tribute to ensure their personal safety and to maintain their possessions. The cost of essential items supplied by land rose dramatically for the city's citizens causing suffering among the poor. The emboldened criminal gangs built eight “Thieves Villages” a few feet outside the Palen Posts yet far from any legal jurisdiction which might inhibit their activities. These inns and shops, taverns and warehouses, operated free of the excises taxes collected in Amsterdam. Goods stolen on the roadways were openly sold in these villages, with victims sometimes forced to repurchase their possessions. Items stolen in the city made their way to the thief's marketplace. Prostitution and gambling became common at these locations. This bandit marketplace began to compete with legitimate merchants with the lure of less expensive untaxed merchandise. Even respectable citizens began making trips to these enclaves for the lower prices and immoral services not available in the city. The money spent helped the gangs become richer and more powerful.