The Dominion's Dilemma: The United States of British America (57 page)

“You mean he’s a mulatto; has a foot in both camps?”

“No Sir. This Doby---you’ve seen him in the halls, General; he’s the only black in this building day-in and day-out---is darker than your coffee, if I may make the comparison.

“It’s that Harper says Doby knows he has a good thing at Interior: a regular position and salary. And doesn’t want to risk his own comfort since he’d never get his job back, whether this succeeds or not.”

Scott rose from behind his desk and stretched, rolling his cannon ball-sized head and twisting his tree-trunk neck. Though the purpose of the exercise seemed self-evident, the Lieutenant knew Scott often practiced this routine while considering a newly-presented report.

Scott sat down again and a quill pen disappeared into his paw. After scratching out a few words on a sheet of paper, he folded and sealed the document and handed it to Wilder. “Get this up to Secretary MacLane post-haste. Then bring young Mr. Harper down here on the double.”

    “Yes Sir!” The relief in Tom’s voice was obvious.
Thank God he thinks there could
be some validity to this crazy story. As I told
Harps
last night, I wasn’t looking forward to
the General throwing me out his office window. Guess Arkansas will still have to deal
with the Comanche without any more help from me
…

___________

The Capitol Building

June 6, 1833, 11 a.m.:

     While Calhoun had forcibly spoken for the single-minded Southern caucus on Tuesday (the few moderates like Georgia’s Forsyth having been cast out like Biblical lepers), Webster had spoken not for, but among, the enraged abolitionists of New England yesterday.

     A weary Van Buren had announced at the conclusion of the long, humid session---a cloud of pipe and cigar smoke had hovered over the chamber, its smell mixing with the hot air and sweating bodies to produce a truly uncomfortable atmosphere---that he would hope the remaining sections--the West, the so-called Border States and the MidAtlantic States--would follow the Southern example and choose a single spokesman.

     Now Ewing signaled for recognition. Previously informed, the Vice G-G happily called him to the podium. The still-arriving crowd---which had drifted off yesterday, repetitiously bored---began to hum in anticipation: the West, even the diplomatic newcomers (Count Ignatieff among them) realized, would be key in determining Congressional reaction.

      The continuing heat wave announcing the arrival of the equatorial Georgetown summer was joined in progress this morning by a crashing thunderstorm. The rain continued to beat its audible tattoo on the big brown Capitol dome as the Ohioan commenced his address in a tone appropriate for the dark, dreary but electric-laced weather.

       The West, Ewing began---and he identified his constituency in this case as Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Ontario and Michigan Territory---contained but 791 slaves overall, all but 44 of them held in southern Illinois, according to the 1830 census.

      “Slavery, as a factor or condition in the daily lives of our constituents, is obviously negligible.”

       Internal improvements, including a better transportation system to get their products to the big Eastern markets, was the West’s major concern, along with pacification of the Indians; he noted the raids the previous Fall by the Sioux into the western portions of the Michigan Territory and other Indian attacks in the unorganized but growing lands west of Ontario.

       “We in the West do have a collective conscience, however,” he declared, his tone becoming stronger and more forceful, “and a collective commitment.

        “We believe literally in that portion of the preamble to the USBA Constitution that states ‘all men are created equal,’ and we are committed to that portion of the preamble, as well as the entire Constitution itself.”

        The crowd, which had continued to fill the galleries as the storm-aided congestion in front of the building gradually eased, had fallen silent when Ewing opened his remarks. Now, an audible gasp rippled through the galleries as the little-known Ohioan flung his verbal gauntlet at the stone-faced Calhoun. For the first time in some days, Count Ignatieff, once again sitting cramped shoulder-to-shoulder with Renkowiitz and the French C-G, began to relax.
This has possibilities,
he thought
. It appears Calhoun has underestimated the opposition…

         “Although our states were not party to the original Compact---indeed, a goodly portion of the West does not appear on any maps of the early USBA---we gave our solemn vow to abide by, participate in and cherish the Compact when we individually applied for statehood.”

         The galleries’ rumblings grew louder and Van Buren was forced to utilize the gavel once again. Standing beside Frank Blair (General Scott was absent this day on War Department business), Aaron Burr whistled softly.

     “One Dominion: once in, never out. So much for ‘concurrent majorities’ and our grandfathers’ property rights.’” Blair gave the Colonel a ruefully-impressed look. As usual, the old man had summed up the issue with brevity and clarity.
He’s still sharp as a tack. What a pair he and Andy must have made in the old days…and how the hell did Jefferson ever out-maneuver him?

      “We have heard, earlier in this debate, the claim by my distinguished colleague from South Carolina that the form of ‘benevolent paternalism’ he proclaims to be practiced by the planter class compares most favorably to the plight of the working classes in Europe and the large Northern cities.

     “Having never been to Europe and having only a fleeting observation of living conditions among the workers of the great Northern cities, I will not debate that the slaves of the average planter may in fact be better cared for in their dotage than the city workers.”

       Gasps of delighted disbelief (from the Southerner delegation and their gallery partisans) and groans of dismayed shock (from other Senators and the remainder of the galleries) broke loose as Ewing paused.

     “Except that no such
benevolence
justifies the forcible denial of personal liberty! The city worker is not forcibly sent to his manufactory, dock or stable; he is free to quit his position and leave! To leave Europe for America; to leave the North for the West! The North, in turn, welcomes the European worker and offers him wages for specified work. The West offers the migrating Northern worker the same, if and when he chooses to leave that manufactory position.
At his own determination and without
opposition!”
Ewing’s voice boomed across the chamber before he again paused.

      “That, of course, is the difference,” he began again in a softer tone that forced many in the galleries to lean forward to hear as the angry jeers of the Southerners rose in earnest.

        “’All men are created equal.’ Having ratified the Constitution, all the states are recorded as agreeing to that proposition. Having agreed that ‘all men are created equal,’ no rational man, nor group of men standing as representatives for all other citizens of their state, can then claim another equally-created man as his property. And, therefore, the ancient, revered and guaranteed right to hold property is, in this case, a specious argument.

         “My southern collegues, you have already agreed that all men are created equal.
Thus, none can be considered property!”

       The entire Senate was on its feet; fights were breaking out throughout the galleries (some involving parasol-wielding ladies). Van Buren gaveled in vain and even Colonel Burr looked alarmed, while Blair quickly scanned the chamber in hopes that military uniforms might somehow appear.

       Gradually, the dim quieted as peacemakers prevailed, both in the Senate well and in the galleries. (The Vice G-G was later to attribute much of the gallery policing to diplomatic volunteers.)

        When peace, if not harmony, was eventually restored, the Ohio perpetrator of the explosion stood his ground behind the podium.

        “These many individual states having agreed to the proposition that ‘all men are created equal’ when separately ratifying our Constitution; having so ratified in order to become part of a greater coalition; have thus subordinated their rights to act independently of the dictates of the greater coalition; just as they agreed to subordinate their rights to individual action independent of the dictates of the Empire when accepting the Colonial Compact, cannot now claim special regional rights.”

    The well and galleries were now apparently too spent to register their collective feelings on this blunt negative assessment of the celebrated states rights theory. An eerie silence engulfed the chamber as Ewing concluded his remarks:

       “The West sympathizes with the South’s predicament and will support any measures to make the legally-justified transition more palpable. But we will oppose, with all the strength we can muster, any attempts to ignore, nullify or forcibly restrain the implementation of this legislation where applicable any- and everywhere in our beloved Dominion.”

      The interior thunderstorm having abated, the exhausted Senators and visitors filed out of the chamber and into the Rotunda to discover that the exterior thunderstorm, too, was over. As they walked down and around Capitol Hill, to their carriages or towards their destinations afoot, they found the outside temperature equal to that of the crisis within.  

___________

Marine Hospital

June 7, 1833

9 p.m.:

This thing,
thought Lawrence Eugene Doby,
has gotten completely out of hand.

Never thought the white higher-ups, like this man Scott, would take a nigga like me seriously. Thought they scoff and snicker. That way, I could take part in the snatch, then, after they posted a reward, Ol’ Ugene be first in line to claim it, since I done told them where the Duke be hidden even
before
the snatch. And even if they caught Simba and the others beforehand, that'd leave the way open for me to stay at Interior, maybe with a promotion...

He was still going to take part in the snatch as it now stood, but under the watchful eye of, as far he could knew, the entire USBA Army, or at least that part of it in-and-around Georgetown.

   Eugene didn’t know the details, but he was aware that the woods on either side of the road from Long Bridge past Cranford would be teeming with white soldiers long before the Duke ever left The Residency. But they wouldn't make a move until the gang actually accosted Wellington.

Doby hadn’t understood that; had been educated only by his talk earlier this evening with Harper. He had been dragged down to Scott’s office, put before the General and gradually realized that even though the whites were taking this seriously, Simba and the others would not be arrested immediately.

It had been Harper, to whom he had gone just two days ago with his story---the Northerner always treated him with more respect that the other, mostly Southern, Interior Department workers---who had explained:

“There is no legal ground yet to arrest anybody, Eugene. They haven’t done anything and there’s no proof they intend to. Just your word. Not enough, especially if all three of the others deny it.

    “No, they have to be caught in the act. That’s why this has to go down as planned---including you riding with them…”

     "But what'll keep the soliders from shooting all of us once they do pounce?"

Harper was silent for a moment. He had been wondering the same thing himself. "Well, Eugene. You said Tousaint wanted to keep this non-violent. If your friends don't shoot first, the Army is under orders not to fire."
Which doesn't mean they haven't been authorized to use swords...

Doby was dubious: "I don't know. Them soldiers see us pointing pistols at Wellington, they're liable to get the wrong idea..."

Pistols that you're not supposed to have access to, in any case.
"Eugene, normally I'd agree. But the General has issued strict orders. He realizes Tousaint doesn't intend to harm The Duke. What would be the sense of that? Can't ransom too many slaves for a corpse... Besides, I understand you've given physical descriptions of your friends. The commander will have those, as well as your's…and he's under orders to make sure nothing happens to you, no matter what."

Doby shook his head as he remembered the conversation.
Yeah, this thing has gotten completely out of hand.

        So he thought, as he sat, under guard, in the barracks at the Marine Hospital complex at the intersection of Massachusetts and Georgia Avenues in far southeast Georgetown and waited for the dawn.

___________

The Residency

June 7, 1833, 6 p.m.:

      The Kitchen Cabinet meeting to discuss Jackson’s scheduled Monday speech was reviewing the final day of opening sectional debate when Andrew Donelson broke in to deliver a note from Wellington.

      Jackson and his key advisors---Blair, Cass and Polk---had been encouraged by the lack of fireworks today: Speaking surprisingly briefly apiece, border state representatives Thomas Hart Benton and Henry Clay had both pledged support for the Compact and Constitution, but had urged the South to offer a compromise proposal.

      “Defiance is self-defeating,” Benton had warned. “Missouri did not come into the Dominion because slavery was tolerated; and it will not leave if it is banned.”

       Kentucky reported 165,000 slaves in the last census, Clay said. “More than Tennessee, Alabama or Louisiana apiece and more than Maryland, Mississippi and the Arkansas and Florida territories combined. But our state has three times as many free people who have enjoyed the peace and prosperity of the Dominion and the Empire. We will not sacrifice the latter to maintain the former; we do, however, share the concerns of our Southern neighbors as to the fairness of the Parliamentary legislation. At the conclusion of this debate, Kentucky will offer resolutions designed to alleviate those unfairnesses.”