Many witnesses say the locals who drove Jews into the square were accompanied by some uniformed Germans, apart from those from the police station. It was certainly a small group, not a powerful unit. The Germans had too many towns to guard, locations where they wanted to “clean up the Jews.” We have German reports of that time that express alarm: âWe don't have anyone to man the posts.' Suddenly, the police in nearby Szczuczyn, five men, were supposed to keep order in seventy-four towns. The rapid advance into the Soviet Union meant that units of Einsatzgruppe B in the zone of army unit “Årodek” were operating farther and farther east. They left behind them lands where they hadn't used the opportunity to “clean up.” To take care of this, the Germans organized a few small operational groups toward the end of June and beginning of July to take over the tasks of Einsatzgruppe B in the area of former Soviet borderlands.
I can state that the perpetrators of the atrocity were Polish residents of Jedwabne and its surroundings, at least forty men. There is no proof that the townspeople in general were the perpetrators. To claim that there was a company of Germans in Jedwabne is as implausible as maintaining the whole town went crazy. Most people behaved passively. I can't judge where that passivity came from. Maybe some people felt compassion for the victims but were terrified by the brutality of the killers. Others, though they may have had anti-Semitic views, were not people quick to take an active part in actions of this kind.
A few hundred burned in the barn, forty killersâthat's a lot fewer than Gross wrote.
Those are our findings. The number of victims and culprits indicated emerges from analysis of the evidence. We were unable to come to a fuller count; in the trial documents from 1949, for example, there are the names of a significantly larger number of people connected to the committing of the crime. Only that information was not checked at the time. Now, after so much time has passed, it was impossible for my team to verify it.
You were born in BiaÅystok; you live not far from there in Åapy. Jewish life used to flourish in the towns in your area. Did you know about that before you got involved in the Jedwabne case?
No, I was never interested.
Jews were like aborigines to you?
The concept was just as remote. From the time I worked on the investigation into Jedwabne I read a lot of material, books on the history and relations of Poles and Jews. But even so I don't always know how to behave. I met Rabbi Schudrich and another rabbi from London at the Jewish cemetery in Jedwabne. When they said kaddish for the dead, I was going to say the Catholic prayer Eternal Rest, but on reflection I just said goodbye.
Before I began working on Jedwabne, I had the feeling anti-Semitism was a marginal phenomenon. Since I've been involved with Jedwabne, I meet it every day. You, too?
I believeâ I'm convinced it's not a universal sentiment. But I have to say in the course of the investigation I encountered blatant expressions of anti-Semitism.
What was for you the most difficult moment in the investigation?
When I saw the tooth buds of infants during the exhumations and imagined for a moment what I would feel if someone from my family had died that way, if those had been my children.
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Notes
1. Lord, Rid Poland of the Jews: or, On Polish-Jewish Relations in Jedwabne in the Thirties
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According to reports by the Interior Ministry in BiaÅystok, after the events of March 20, when Camp for a Greater Poland members broke fifty-three windows of Jewish properties in Grajewo and the same, though on a smaller scale, took place in Szczuczyn and Rajgrod, nine CGP members were arrested in RadziÅów on March 23 as a preventive measure. In the morning, special CGP couriers went on horseback from RadziÅów to the directors of CGP offices in villages nearby to round up as many men as possible to break them out. An organized crowd protested to the police, demanding the immediate release of the arrested men. Rocks and crowbars began to rain down on the policemen. A group of people demolished the jail and freed the arrested men. The mob scattered across the market and started to smash the windows of Jewish shops and loot all the stalls. Nine Jews were beaten up.
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The effectiveness of the disbanded Camp for a Greater Poland merged into the National Party is illustrated by a National Party convention in Åomża at whichâas we read in a Interior Ministry report for September 1936â2,500 people sang the Greater Poland anthem in closing: “We bring rebirth to Poland / We stamp out baseness, lies, and filth,” standing to attention with one hand raised in imitation of the Hitler salute.
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Jews sewing cassocks and selling Catholic devotional objects must have been a particular outrage to the anti-Semites among the clergy. Father Trzeciak, a famous anti-Semitic priest, postulated the introduction of a ban on buying devotional objects from Jews and those peddlers who got their products from Jews: “This can be most effectively achieved by announcing that no religious cult objects deriving directly or indirectly from Jews will be blessed and no indulgences will be granted” (fromDejudaizing the Manufacture and Sale of Devotional Items , a brochure quoted by Anna Landau-Czajka in “They Stood in the Same House: Ideas for Solving the Jewish Question in the Polish Press, 1933â1939,” Neriton, Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, 1998).
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This is shown very well in the writings of Dariusz Libionka, who cites the PoznaÅ weekly,Culture , in 1936: “It is no accident that the idea has become common that Jews are parasites. In fact, our emotional relationship with them resembles the attitudes we have toward fleas or lice. Killing them, destroying them, getting rid of them. The point is that the Jew is quite different from a flea. The Jewish problem can exist even when there is no longer any Jew left.” Libionka shows that anti-Semitism was to the Catholic press a convenient tool for describing reality, battling liberalism in social mores, socialism, the Communist movement, everything thatâto use the terminology of “Clerical News”âexposed “the fresh Slavonic soul to the moral influence of the oversophisticated Semitic spirit.”
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Dariusz Libionka, “The Clergy of the Åomża Diocese in the Face of Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust” (inWokóŠJedwabnego [Regarding Jedwabne], Institute of National Remembrance, Warsaw, 2002).
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The authorities, who had no doubt as to who had power over souls, conducted conversations with the clergy aimed at warning them. “At almost every market or fair anti-Jewish excesses have taken place,” they reported. “After conversations with the clergy they decreased. The number of towns where there are boycotts has increased, but they take a form which does not require police intervention. Bishop Åukomski has indicated to the clergy under his authority that there should not be active campaigns against Jews. However, members of the National Party apply the boycott with great determination. Christian tradesmen reward picketers. But picketing in groups of four wearing National Party sashes has been eliminated. The clergy have also intervened to get National Party members to stop carrying canes and clubs.” The clergy taught not so much that violent attacks were reprehensible as that they were ineffective. The report quotes one of the priests saying at a Christmas gathering: “Your fighting stance and hot temperament are known to all, but now is not the time for exploits whose victims are usually nationalists themselves.”
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After the Soviets left in June 1941 and peasants from the surrounding villages met in Jasionówka to loot Jewish homes, the same Father Åozowski “shouted and lectured at people and didn't allow them to do it” and also “threatened them with Hell if they went on doing such an injustice,” as described after the war by the survivor Pesia Szuster-Rozenblum. He was probably a supporter of the economic boycott, which was supposed to force Jews out of Poland, but didn't support violence and looting. However, he wasn't able to prevent the pogrom.
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The Jedwabne parish chronicle notes in 1937: “From the time when regent Romuald Rogowski, in collaboration with Mayor Walenty GrÄ
dzki, hired firemen for twenty zlotys to ring the bell all day for the funeral of Marshal PiÅsudski against the parish priest's will, which was condemned by the whole parish population, the church authorities have issued an interdiction against the Jedwabne fire brigade, banning it from participating in church celebrations.” In the parish chronicle of nearby Åapy we read: “The year 1938 is a period of the greatest development ever of the Catholic spirit in Åapy. It is a period of full bloom for Catholic Action. True, the godless Union of Rail Workers, with its close ties to the Polish Socialist Party, going hand in hand with Jews, is still active, but the range of their activity is shrinking more and more.”
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Parties and associations that had branches or affiliates in the towns and villages of the Åomża area included Zionist parties of various stripes: General Zionists, Poale Zion-Right, the religious Mizrachi, the Revisionist Zionists, the socialist Bund; educational, cultural, and sports associations: the Zionist Tarbut, the Association of Evening Classes, the Education Association, the Jewish Association for Athletics and Sports Makabi, the Bundist League of Cultures; youth organizations: the leftist Zionist scouting organization Ha-Szomer ha-Cair, He-Chaluc, which prepared young people for life in Palestine, and Brit Trumpeldor, a revisionist Zionist youth organization; mutual-aid organizations: Jewish Guilds of Butchers, the Central Union of Jewish Artisans, Gemilut Chesed, a savings and loan bank, the Jewish Shareholders Bank, the Jewish Cooperative Bank of Real Estate Owners, Keren Kajemet, or the Jewish National Fund, which collected funds for the purchase of land in Palestine, the League of Aid for Workers in Palestine, and others.
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An Interior Ministry official has preserved for us an image of these conflicts. On the occasion of a visit to BiaÅystok on July 2, 1933, by WÅodzimierz JabotyÅski, an advocate of the armed struggle for a Jewish state in Palestine, two thousand supporters of the Revisionist Zionist Party gathered, and when they set off to the synagogue carrying banners, a group of Bundists and the right-wing Poale Zion-Right members threw rotten eggs at them. JabotyÅski also came to lecture in Åomża, where Jews from Jedwabne and RadziÅów probably had a chance to hear him. He was very popular in the area. Szmul Wasersztejn describes in his diary that when he got to the police station in Jedwabne on July 10, 1941, the Germans interrogated him about whether he or his father belonged to JabotyÅski's organization and whether it had helped him hide during the pogrom.
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In RadziÅów, 1932 saw the peak of Polish Communist Party activity. Here are its activities: In March, a banner was hung outâDown with the bloody Fascist dictatorship, long live the Polish Republic of councils, long live the Polish Communist Party . In April, Chona Zeligson and Zajdel Rozenbaum were picked up while distributing Communist appeals. During a church fair in July, Chona Moruszewski and Zajdel Rozenbaum let loose in a crowd two pigeons painted red, with antistate slogans on ribbons. In September, Abram Moszek Bursztyn delivered sixty-six Communist appeals to a confidant for distribution, and a hundred appeals to “Comrade peasants” were scattered in a pasture. It is hard to know how many Communist Party members there were in RadziÅów itself; the existing data relate to the whole district committee, which covered various areas, sometimes including Grajewo, sometimes Szczuczyn as well, and mention is made of dozens of people. After: Józef Kowalczyk,The Polish Communist Party in the Åomża District, 1919â1938 , Warsaw: PWN, 1978.
2. I Wanted to Save Her LifeâLove Came Later: or, The Story of Rachela Finkelsztejn and StanisÅaw Ramotowski
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NSZ: Narodowe SiÅy Zbrojne, or National Armed Forces, a Polish underground armed formation at odds with the Polish Home Army over what the National Armed Forces considered the excessively conciliatory stance of the Home Army toward the Soviet Union and Red Army; the National Armed Forces, which were blatantly anti-Semitic, took the view that the Nazis were a lesser threat than the Soviets, and they continued anti-Soviet partisan operations after the war ended.
3. We Suffered Under the Soviets, the Germans, and People's Poland: or, The Story of the Three Brothers LaudaÅski
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Osadnik (Polish; settler, colonist) was the word used in the Soviet Union for a veteran of the Polish Army given land in the Kresy, or Borderland territories (current western Belarus and western Ukraine), ceded to Poland by the Polish-Soviet Riga Peace Treaty of 1921 (and occupied by the Soviet Union in 1939).
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“An especially large number of Russians came to Jedwabne. It was the headquarters of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Belorussia, the Regional Executive Committee of Delegates of the Working People, the Regional Department of the NKVD, and others. All the highest positions were occupied by new arrivals (per MichaÅ Gnatowski, “Dokumenty radzieckie o postawach ludnoÅci i polskim podziemiu niepodlegÅoÅciowym w rejonie jedwabieÅskim w latach 1939â1941” [Soviet documents on popular attitudes and the underground Polish independence movement in the Jedwabne region in 1939â1941], inWokóŠJedwabnego [About Jedwabne], vol. 2, eds. PaweÅ Machcewicz and Krzysztof Persak, Warsaw: Institute of National Remembrance, 2002).