The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics (217 page)
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Authors: Iain McLean
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president-elect
Title given to victor of US presidential election during the transitional period between the election in November and taking office on 20 January.
pressure group
An alternative term for
interest group
, often used to indicate disapproval of the group concerned or its methods. Many analysts, however, use it interchangeably with interest group.
WG
interest group
, often used to indicate disapproval of the group concerned or its methods. Many analysts, however, use it interchangeably with interest group.
WG
Price , Richard
(1723–91)
Welsh dissenting clergyman, radical, and mathematician. A close follower of the French
Enlightenment
and supporter of the
French Revolution
, who prompted Burke's attack on it, Price was perhaps the only person in England who understood the work on probability and its application to social science being done in France by Laplace and
Condorcet
. Price was responsible for the posthumous publication, in 1761, of a paper by Thomas Bayes which is one of the foundations of probability as now understood.
Welsh dissenting clergyman, radical, and mathematician. A close follower of the French
Enlightenment
and supporter of the
French Revolution
, who prompted Burke's attack on it, Price was perhaps the only person in England who understood the work on probability and its application to social science being done in France by Laplace and
Condorcet
. Price was responsible for the posthumous publication, in 1761, of a paper by Thomas Bayes which is one of the foundations of probability as now understood.
primary election
An intra-party election enabling voters to participate in the selection of candidates. In the United States there are two main forms of primary elections, presidential primaries and direct primaries. The former provide for the popular election of delegates to the national party conventions where presidential candidates are selected. Normally, where presidential primaries are used, the voters of a particular state identified with a given party choose between the various candidates seeking that party's nomination, with delegates then allocated either proportionally or on a winner-take-all basis. In a few cases voters directly elect delegates who will usually have declared a commitment to support a particular candidate at the convention. Where presidential primaries are not in use convention delegates are selected by arrangements that begin with local caucus meetings. There are also non-binding ‘beauty contest’ primaries; some states hold these together with one of the other selection procedures.
The direct primary allows those who affiliate with a party to choose between candidates seeking that party's nomination to public office. Now used in some form in every state there are three types of direct primary—closed, open, and blanket. Most states have closed primaries. These require voters to indicate at some stage a party preference, which entitles them to participate in the primary of that party. In those states where primaries are open, voters may choose which primary to participate in. They have access to the ballots of each party and must select one. In three states, Alaska, Louisiana, and Washington, the blanket primary is in operation. This does not require any indication of party affiliation and voters are free to move back and forth across a blanket-sized ballot that includes all candidates of all parties. This makes it possible for voters to participate in, for example, the Republican primary contest for a seat in the US Senate and the Democratic primary to select a candidate for mayor.
Both the presidential primary and the direct primary came into widespread use in the early twentieth century. The progressives who sponsored them wished to purify American politics, to destroy the power of party bosses and their machines, and restore the right of the people to govern themselves. Arguably these reformers have been altogether too successful in that primaries have savagely weakened American political parties, institutions which, despite their flaws, are indispensable in democratic political systems.
DM
The direct primary allows those who affiliate with a party to choose between candidates seeking that party's nomination to public office. Now used in some form in every state there are three types of direct primary—closed, open, and blanket. Most states have closed primaries. These require voters to indicate at some stage a party preference, which entitles them to participate in the primary of that party. In those states where primaries are open, voters may choose which primary to participate in. They have access to the ballots of each party and must select one. In three states, Alaska, Louisiana, and Washington, the blanket primary is in operation. This does not require any indication of party affiliation and voters are free to move back and forth across a blanket-sized ballot that includes all candidates of all parties. This makes it possible for voters to participate in, for example, the Republican primary contest for a seat in the US Senate and the Democratic primary to select a candidate for mayor.
Both the presidential primary and the direct primary came into widespread use in the early twentieth century. The progressives who sponsored them wished to purify American politics, to destroy the power of party bosses and their machines, and restore the right of the people to govern themselves. Arguably these reformers have been altogether too successful in that primaries have savagely weakened American political parties, institutions which, despite their flaws, are indispensable in democratic political systems.
DM
prime minister
The head of the executive and, where it exists, the cabinet within a parliamentary system. The role of the post, however, varies depending on the institutional context, the nature of party government, and the political circumstances in which a prime minister governs. Institutional constraints upon the power of a prime minister may be posed by the territorial devolution of power in federal systems, such as Canada, or regionalized systems, such as Spain; by a powerful second chamber such as the German Bundesrat; by constitutional courts; or by the political culture which gives power to extra-governing institutions such as business associations or trade unions. Consequently, a prime minister may need to govern in partnership with others. Similarly, most governments in parliamentary systems are a coalition of various parties, necessitating concessions to the differences in party interests in order to keep a government together. It has become common for prime ministers in some countries, notably the Netherlands, to act primarily not as leaders but as conciliators between opposing interests within a government. In some countries, such as Switzerland, political power is so fragmented that the role of the prime minister has been reduced to that of symbolic figurehead.
By comparison, the United Kingdom institutionally is highly centralized and the electoral system generally produces one party government backed by a well disciplined parliamentary party. This has facilitated the development of a range of powers for the Prime Minister not commonly applicable to those of other countries: the right to appoint and dismiss ministers; the right to establish policy guidelines for government; the right to arbitrate conclusively on differences between ministers in government; and the right to speak on behalf of the government in any area of policy. Since the 1960s concern has been expressed at the willingness of incumbents to exercise, enhance, and indeed abuse such powers. Analysis of the complex workings of the British cabinet and more broadly the political executive leads at the most to an equivocal endorsement of this thesis. Indeed any experience of prime ministerial government is contingent upon the maintenance of solid parliamentary majorities, party cohesion, an electoral preference for strong leadership within the executive, and an activist style on the part of the incumbent. When such political circumstances do not occur over time then the Prime Minister in their exercise may have or wish to play the role of bargainer or conciliator in a similar manner to counterparts in other systems.
JBr
By comparison, the United Kingdom institutionally is highly centralized and the electoral system generally produces one party government backed by a well disciplined parliamentary party. This has facilitated the development of a range of powers for the Prime Minister not commonly applicable to those of other countries: the right to appoint and dismiss ministers; the right to establish policy guidelines for government; the right to arbitrate conclusively on differences between ministers in government; and the right to speak on behalf of the government in any area of policy. Since the 1960s concern has been expressed at the willingness of incumbents to exercise, enhance, and indeed abuse such powers. Analysis of the complex workings of the British cabinet and more broadly the political executive leads at the most to an equivocal endorsement of this thesis. Indeed any experience of prime ministerial government is contingent upon the maintenance of solid parliamentary majorities, party cohesion, an electoral preference for strong leadership within the executive, and an activist style on the part of the incumbent. When such political circumstances do not occur over time then the Prime Minister in their exercise may have or wish to play the role of bargainer or conciliator in a similar manner to counterparts in other systems.
JBr
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