The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty (72 page)
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Authors: Caroline Alexander
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BOOK: The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty
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MUTINY
Lebogue’s statement about events after passing Whytootackee is found in William Bligh,
An Answer to Certain Assertions . . .
(London, 1794), p. 25.
An Answer to Certain Assertions . . .
(London, 1794), p. 25.
Bligh’s denial of frequent quarrels is found in “Attestation Mr. Wm. Bligh Plaintiff,” ML, Safe 1/43, p. 28.
Quotations from Morrison’s account of events preceding the mutiny are found in James Morrison, “Journal on HMS Bounty and at Tahiti, 1792,” ML, ZML Safe 1/42, pp. 42 ff.
John Fryer’s recollection of events before the mutiny is found in his unpublished narrative in the Mitchell Library: John Fryer, “Narrative, letter to his wife and documents. 4 April 1789-16 July 1804,” ML, Safe 1/38, p. 1ff. His quote of David Nelson appears on p. 19; Hayward’s acceptance of Bligh’s invitation to dine is on p. 16.
For the sojourn of Cook and Bligh at Tonga in 1777, see J. C. Beaglehole,
The Life of Captain James Cook
(Stanford, Calif., 1974), pp. 531 ff. The flogging of the chief is described in J. C. Beaglehole, ed.,
The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery,
vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1967), entry for May 8, 1777, p. 101. John Rickman describes the flogging and cutting of thieves: “During our stay here, more capital thefts were committed, and more Indians punished than in all the friendly islands besides; one was punished with 72 lashes, for only stealing a knife, another with 36, for endeavouring to carry off two or three drinking glasses; three were punished with 36 lashes each, for heaving stones at the wooders; but what was still more cruel, a man for attempting to carry of an axe, was ordered to have his arm cut to the bone, which he bore without complaining” (John Rickman,
Journal of Captain Cook’s Last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, on
Discovery [London, 1781], p. 121). The destruction of the canoes and houses is described in Cook’s
Journals,
vol. 3, October 8-10, 1777, pp. 229 ff. The account of the man punished by cutting off his ears is given by Rickman: “. . . [i]n this bleeding condition he was sent on shore” (p. 174).
The Life of Captain James Cook
(Stanford, Calif., 1974), pp. 531 ff. The flogging of the chief is described in J. C. Beaglehole, ed.,
The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery,
vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1967), entry for May 8, 1777, p. 101. John Rickman describes the flogging and cutting of thieves: “During our stay here, more capital thefts were committed, and more Indians punished than in all the friendly islands besides; one was punished with 72 lashes, for only stealing a knife, another with 36, for endeavouring to carry off two or three drinking glasses; three were punished with 36 lashes each, for heaving stones at the wooders; but what was still more cruel, a man for attempting to carry of an axe, was ordered to have his arm cut to the bone, which he bore without complaining” (John Rickman,
Journal of Captain Cook’s Last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, on
Discovery [London, 1781], p. 121). The destruction of the canoes and houses is described in Cook’s
Journals,
vol. 3, October 8-10, 1777, pp. 229 ff. The account of the man punished by cutting off his ears is given by Rickman: “. . . [i]n this bleeding condition he was sent on shore” (p. 174).
For the sinister drama leading to Cook’s death, see Gavin Kennedy,
The Death of Captain Cook
(London, 1978).
The Death of Captain Cook
(London, 1978).
Readers of Herman Wouk’s
The Caine Mutiny
will recognize this coconut scene as the inspiration for the brilliant strawberry episode on the
Caine.
Edward Christian’s “Appendix” to Stephen Barney’s
Minutes of the Proceedings . . .
(London, 1794), pp. 63 ff., records the further details of the confrontation over the coconuts. It should be observed that the word “break,” as Christian used with Purcell, meant to disrate him.
The Caine Mutiny
will recognize this coconut scene as the inspiration for the brilliant strawberry episode on the
Caine.
Edward Christian’s “Appendix” to Stephen Barney’s
Minutes of the Proceedings . . .
(London, 1794), pp. 63 ff., records the further details of the confrontation over the coconuts. It should be observed that the word “break,” as Christian used with Purcell, meant to disrate him.
The words of Edward Lamb, Christian’s former shipmate, are found in Bligh’s
An Answer to Certain Assertions . . . ,
pp. 30-31.
An Answer to Certain Assertions . . . ,
pp. 30-31.
Cook’s
heivas
and other displays of his “hasty temper” are discussed by Beaglehole,
Life of James Cook,
pp. 710 ff., who in turn quotes James Trevenen, then a midshipman on the third voyage: “
Heiva
the name of the dances of the Southern Islanders, which bore so great a resemblance to the violent motions and stampings on the Deck of Capt Cooke in the paroxysms of passion, into which he often threw himself upon the slightest occasion that they were universally known by the same name, & it was a common saying amongst both officers & people: ‘The old boy has been tipping a
heiva
to such or such a one.’ ”
heivas
and other displays of his “hasty temper” are discussed by Beaglehole,
Life of James Cook,
pp. 710 ff., who in turn quotes James Trevenen, then a midshipman on the third voyage: “
Heiva
the name of the dances of the Southern Islanders, which bore so great a resemblance to the violent motions and stampings on the Deck of Capt Cooke in the paroxysms of passion, into which he often threw himself upon the slightest occasion that they were universally known by the same name, & it was a common saying amongst both officers & people: ‘The old boy has been tipping a
heiva
to such or such a one.’ ”
The lowly status of inferior officers is described in Edward Thompson,
Sailor’s Letters,
vol. 1 (London, 1767), pp. 141 ff.
Sailor’s Letters,
vol. 1 (London, 1767), pp. 141 ff.
Bligh’s description of Christian’s excessive perspiration suggests that Christian suffered from a condition known as hyperhidrosis, which is discussed by Glynn Christian,
Fragile Paradise,
rev. ed. (Milsons Point, NSW, and Auckland, 1999), pp. 306 ff.
Fragile Paradise,
rev. ed. (Milsons Point, NSW, and Auckland, 1999), pp. 306 ff.
Bligh’s pleas to Christian are recorded in Edward Christian, “Appendix,” p. 69. Other details of the day of mutiny are from Bligh’s log and his
Voyage to the South Sea . . .
(London, 1792).
Voyage to the South Sea . . .
(London, 1792).
Christian’s surprise at the number of men voluntarily entering the launch is described in James Morrison’s “Journal on HMS Bounty and at Tahiti, 1792,” ML, ZML Safe 1/42, p. 61.
RETURNBligh’s feat was praised in
English Chronicle or Universal Post,
March 16-18, 1790. His forthcoming book was advertised in a number of papers—see, for example,
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
May 29, 1790.
English Chronicle or Universal Post,
March 16-18, 1790. His forthcoming book was advertised in a number of papers—see, for example,
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
May 29, 1790.
Descriptions of the voyage of the
Bounty
’s launch are taken from Bligh’s
A Narrative of the Mutiny, on Board His Majesty’s Ship
Bounty;
and the Subsequent Voyage of Part of the Crew, in the Ship’s Boat, From Tofoa, one of the Friendly Islands, to Timor, a Dutch Settlement in the East Indies
(London, 1790); and from Bligh’s logs. A book of signals that Thomas Hayward carried with him was used by Bligh as a notebook, from which in turn he kept his running log. A memorandum by Bligh at the back of the notebook explains his methodology: “This account was kept in my bosom as a common memorandum of our time & transposed into my fair Journal every day when the weather would admit with every material circumstance which passed.” The notebook is held by the National Library of Australia (William Bligh, “Notebook and List of Mutineers,” 1789, NLA MS 5393) and is published in facsimile: John Bach, ed.,
The Bligh Notebook
(Sydney, 1987). The “fair Journal” is Bligh’s personal log, held by the Mitchell Library (William Bligh, “Log of the Proceedings of HMS
Bounty,
” April 5, 1789-March 13, 1790, ML, Safe 1/47). Bligh’s official copy submitted to the Admiralty is in the Public Record Office, Adm. 55/151. Except where noted, quotations are from the official log.
Bounty
’s launch are taken from Bligh’s
A Narrative of the Mutiny, on Board His Majesty’s Ship
Bounty;
and the Subsequent Voyage of Part of the Crew, in the Ship’s Boat, From Tofoa, one of the Friendly Islands, to Timor, a Dutch Settlement in the East Indies
(London, 1790); and from Bligh’s logs. A book of signals that Thomas Hayward carried with him was used by Bligh as a notebook, from which in turn he kept his running log. A memorandum by Bligh at the back of the notebook explains his methodology: “This account was kept in my bosom as a common memorandum of our time & transposed into my fair Journal every day when the weather would admit with every material circumstance which passed.” The notebook is held by the National Library of Australia (William Bligh, “Notebook and List of Mutineers,” 1789, NLA MS 5393) and is published in facsimile: John Bach, ed.,
The Bligh Notebook
(Sydney, 1987). The “fair Journal” is Bligh’s personal log, held by the Mitchell Library (William Bligh, “Log of the Proceedings of HMS
Bounty,
” April 5, 1789-March 13, 1790, ML, Safe 1/47). Bligh’s official copy submitted to the Admiralty is in the Public Record Office, Adm. 55/151. Except where noted, quotations are from the official log.
The accuracy of Bligh’s log is indicated by some latter-day investigations at Tofua. In 1985, efforts were made by Marie-Thérèse and Bengt Danielsson, distinguished historians of the South Pacific, to locate the cave in which Bligh and his men had camped while on Tofua. The Danielssons found the cave on the island’s northwest corner, as described by Bligh, and also found that the cave’s dimensions (one hundred yards wide) and situation on the beach exactly accorded with Bligh’s account. More remarkably, the position Bligh had determined by sextant was tested by the captain of the ship that had brought the Danielssons to Tofua, and who with “infinitely more sophisticated navigational equipment at his disposal, arrived at exactly the same figure” (Marie-Thérèse and Bengt Danielsson, “Bligh’s Cave: 196 Years On,”
Pacific Islands Monthly,
June 1985, pp. 25-26).
Pacific Islands Monthly,
June 1985, pp. 25-26).
It is instructive to contrast these findings with those of a similar investigation conducted on Tubuai, where the mutineers had attempted to construct a fort. According to James Morrison, “the Fort was laid out in a quadrangular form, measuring 100 yards on each square,” but when Glynn Christian visited in 1980, he found the remains to measure “48 yards square” (Glynn Christian,
Fragile Paradise,
rev. ed. [Sydney and New York, 1999], pp. 211ff.). Morrison’s inaccuracy may be a result of both the distance in time from which he was describing the events and his overly grandiose recollection of the mutineers’ achievements.
Fragile Paradise,
rev. ed. [Sydney and New York, 1999], pp. 211ff.). Morrison’s inaccuracy may be a result of both the distance in time from which he was describing the events and his overly grandiose recollection of the mutineers’ achievements.
The rationing of food that Bligh’s men swore to honor is best appreciated from artifacts of the voyage, the actual tiny cup, coconut scale, and bullet weight that were used to measure each meal (now in NMM). The bullet, which remained in the Bligh family for generations, was identified by Bligh with the following label: “This bullet,
of a lb. was the allowance of Bread which supported 18 men for 48 days, served to each person three times a-day” (the Reverend Thomas Boyles Murray,
Pitcairn: The Island, the People, and the Pastor; With a short account of the mutiny of the Bounty
[London, 1853]. Bligh still wore the bullet weight, “strung on a blue ribbon round his neck,” at the end of his life (Alfred Gatty, “Barker and Burford’s Panoramas,”
Notes and Queries,
4th s., 7, [May 20, 1871], p. 432).
of a lb. was the allowance of Bread which supported 18 men for 48 days, served to each person three times a-day” (the Reverend Thomas Boyles Murray,Pitcairn: The Island, the People, and the Pastor; With a short account of the mutiny of the Bounty
[London, 1853]. Bligh still wore the bullet weight, “strung on a blue ribbon round his neck,” at the end of his life (Alfred Gatty, “Barker and Burford’s Panoramas,”
Notes and Queries,
4th s., 7, [May 20, 1871], p. 432).
Bligh’s role in the European exploration of the Fiji Islands is described in G. C. Henderson,
The Discoverers of the Fiji Islands: Tasman, Cook, Bligh, Wilson, Bellingshausen
(London, 1933). For a succinct overview of this work as it pertains to Bligh, see Owen Rutter, “The Vindication of William Bligh,”
The Quarterly Review
261 (October 1933), pp. 279-91.
The Discoverers of the Fiji Islands: Tasman, Cook, Bligh, Wilson, Bellingshausen
(London, 1933). For a succinct overview of this work as it pertains to Bligh, see Owen Rutter, “The Vindication of William Bligh,”
The Quarterly Review
261 (October 1933), pp. 279-91.
Bligh’s letter from Coupang to his wife is in the Mitchell Library, ZML Safe 1/45, pp. 17- 24 (published in facsimile in Paul Brunton, ed.,
Awake Bold Bligh!
[Sydney, 1989]).
Awake Bold Bligh!
[Sydney, 1989]).
The mutinous incident at Surabaya and the formal inquiry held on his men is described by Bligh in his personal log (his official log of events between his departure from Coupang and his arrival in England is missing; it may be that the Admiralty did not require an account of this portion of the voyage). Bligh’s account is substantiated by VOC records, which contain a lengthy dispatch regarding Bligh’s arrival from the governor of North-East Java, Jan de Greve, to the governor general and council, dated September 25, 1789. Following Bligh’s insistence on the arrest and interrogation of the troublemakers, Governor de Greve, “according to the enclosed documents, had reported that these three persons had nothing against their commander and therefore had asked him immediately to excuse them and had been forgiven by him, while on the contrary the other two rebels Fryer and Purcell according to the request of Bligh had been put on spice vessels” (VOC 3862). Bligh’s remarks about Fryer’s “vicious” disposition, that his men wished to stay in Batavia town, and that the Dutch captain of the
Vlijt
was afraid are also from her personal log.
Vlijt
was afraid are also from her personal log.
The unfavorable impression left by Bligh’s interaction with his officers in the Dutch Indies is recorded by Amasa Delano,
Narrative of Voyages and Travels, in the Northern and Southern Hemispheres: Comprising Three Voyages Round the World; Together with a Voyage of Survey and Discovery in the Pacific and Oriental Islands
(Boston, 1817), pp. 145 ff.
Narrative of Voyages and Travels, in the Northern and Southern Hemispheres: Comprising Three Voyages Round the World; Together with a Voyage of Survey and Discovery in the Pacific and Oriental Islands
(Boston, 1817), pp. 145 ff.
Bligh’s remarks about the sale of the
Bounty
launch are found in his
Voyage to the South Sea . . .
(London, 1792), p. 257.
Bounty
launch are found in his
Voyage to the South Sea . . .
(London, 1792), p. 257.
John Fryer, “Narrative, letter to his wife and documents. 4 April 1789-16 July 1804,” is in ML, Safe 1/38.
For Ledward’s letter, see Arthur Denman, ed., “Captain Bligh and the Mutiny of the Bounty,”
Notes and Queries
9th ser., 12 (December 26, 1903), pp. 501-2.
Notes and Queries
9th ser., 12 (December 26, 1903), pp. 501-2.
Bligh’s voyage in the
Bounty
launch is generally reckoned, among historically known and documented voyages of survival at sea, to be challenged only by Sir Ernest Shackleton’s great boat voyage in the
James Caird,
made in April-May 1916, from Elephant Island to South Georgia in the South Atlantic.
Bounty
launch is generally reckoned, among historically known and documented voyages of survival at sea, to be challenged only by Sir Ernest Shackleton’s great boat voyage in the
James Caird,
made in April-May 1916, from Elephant Island to South Georgia in the South Atlantic.
Bligh’s presentation to the King is reported in the
General Evening Post,
March 16-18, 1790.
General Evening Post,
March 16-18, 1790.
Advertisements for the more titillating account of the mutiny are found in a number of papers—for example, the notice under the caption “MUTINY—OTAHEITIAN FEMALES” in
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
June 4, 1790. Similarly, the Royalty Theatre Drury Lane production of
The Pirates
is advertised in a number of London papers; see
Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser,
May 15, 1790, and
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
May 11, 1790.
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
June 4, 1790. Similarly, the Royalty Theatre Drury Lane production of
The Pirates
is advertised in a number of London papers; see
Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser,
May 15, 1790, and
Diary or Woodfall’s Register,
May 11, 1790.
Fanny Burney’s characteristically vivid account of meeting with Windham is found in
Diary and Letters of Madame D’Arblay, edited by her niece,
vol. 3 (London, 1843), pp. 113ff.
Diary and Letters of Madame D’Arblay, edited by her niece,
vol. 3 (London, 1843), pp. 113ff.
For letters of commiseration to Banks on the failure of the breadfruit expedition, see Joshua Steele to Banks, May 24, 1790, BL Add. MS 33979.34; Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (the cranial enthusiast) to Banks, June 9, 1790, BL Add. MS 8097.261-262; Olof Swartz to Banks, March 31, 1790, BL Add. MS 8097.344-345. The expression of hope that the mutineers would be hanged is made by Hinton East in a letter of October 6, 1790, Kew (BC 2.19); quoted with permission of the trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, England.
James Mario Matra’s letter to Banks of May 7, 1790, is found at BL Add. MS 33979.29-30.
For the public description of Fletcher Christian, see
English Chronicle or Universal Evening Post,
March 16-18, 1790.
English Chronicle or Universal Evening Post,
March 16-18, 1790.
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