Starfire (30 page)

“In addition, the resolution seeks to ban any weapon system that has anything, however remote, to do with spacecraft traveling above the atmosphere, which means the United Nations could ground all American heavy airlifters because at one time they test-launched ballistic missiles from aircraft, or beach cargo ships because they once carried parts for space weapons,” Ells went on. “The resolution has nothing to do with peace and security and has everything to do with presenting a resolution to the Security Council that forces a veto from the United States, so that the Russian Federation can point to America with horror and tell the world that the United States is bent on dominating outer space. The United States hopes that the other members of the Council will see this tactic for exactly what it is: a cheap political ploy, using trumped-up evidence, distorted data, and fear-mongering. I urge the Council to reject introducing this resolution to committee and not give it any more consideration.”

Ells turned directly to Titeneva. “Miss Foreign Minister . . . Daria, let's sit down with Secretary Morrison and work out a compromise,” she implored, raising her hands as if in surrender. “President Phoenix's initiative is not a rearming of space. The United States stands ready to do whatever the international community wishes in order to verify our intentions and assets in space. We should—”

“Do not address me as if we are sisters, Ambassador Ells!” Titeneva snapped. “Show some respect. And it is far, far past the time for verification—the United States should have thought of that before Phoenix's proclamation from the military space station! The United States has just one option for demonstrating its sincerity, openness, and genuine desire for peace: dismantle the entire space-weapon infrastructure immediately!”

Ells's shoulders slumped as she perceived Titeneva's rising anger. There was simply no talking to her. It was as if she had turned into some sort of snarling monster in a Daria Titeneva costume. Ells turned to the Security Council president and said, “I have nothing further to add, Mr. President. Thank you.”

“Thank you, Ambassador Ells,” President Sofyan Apriyanto said. “Are there any more comments on the motion to introduce the Russian resolution into committee?” There were a few more brief speeches, both in favor and against. “Thank you. If there are no more comments, I shall entertain a motion to send the resolution to committee.”

“So moved, Mr. President,” Russian ambassador Andrei Naryshkin said.

“Seconded,” said the ambassador from the People's Republic of China immediately, obviously prearranged so that China would be on record as supporting the measure.

“The resolution has been moved and seconded,” Apriyanto said. “I offer one more opportunity for discussion with your governments or to offer any amendments.” There were no takers, and the secretary-general moved along quickly: “Very well. If there are no objections, I call for a vote. All in favor, please signify by raising your hand, and please keep your hand raised so an accurate count may be made.”

Every hand went up, including those of the representatives from Great Britain and France . . . except one, that of Ambassador Paula Ells from the United States. “All those opposed, please signify by raising your hands.” All hands went down except Paula Ells's. “The chair recognizes a nay vote from the United States of America,” Apriyanto observed, “and as such, the resolution is not carried.”

“This is an outrage!”
Russian foreign minister Titeneva shouted. “The Russian Federation protests this vote in the strongest terms! The resolution was voted in favor by all but one nation!
All
have voted in favor save one! This cannot stand!”

“Madame Foreign Minister, with all respect, you have not been recognized by the chair,” President Apriyanto said. “The Security Council granted you the privilege of addressing its members on this matter in place of your ambassador, but has not granted you the right to make any remarks regarding the outcome of any vote. As you well know, the United States of America, as well as the Russian Federation and the other permanent members of the Council, exercise their privilege of great power unanimity when they cast a nay vote. The Russian Federation, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics before it, exercised the same privilege many times in the past. Thank you. May I call the Council's attention to the next item on the—”

“Do not dismiss me like some child!”
Titeneva shouted. “Mr. President,
this will not stand
! President Kenneth Phoenix is about to grab complete and unfettered control of space, and the Security Council will do nothing to stop him? This is madness!”

Apriyanto picked up a small gavel and tapped its handle lightly on its sounding block, attempting to calm the Russian foreign minister without gaveling her into silence . . . or worse. “Madame Foreign Minister, you are out of order. Please—”

“No, this Council is out of order! This entire
body
is out of order!” Titeneva shouted. “Russia will not stand for this!”

“Madame Foreign Minister, please—”

“Mr. President, President Phoenix's declaration is clearly a violation of Chapter Seven of the United Nations Charter, which prohibits member nations from threatening the peace or conducting acts of aggression,” Titeneva said loudly. “Chapter Seven authorizes the Security Council to act to preserve the peace and stop aggression.”

“The United States is not threatening anyone, Madame Foreign Minister,” Ells said. “President Phoenix's program is a technology laboratory to advance peaceful access to space. We are not activating any space weapons. We want—”

“You can say that all you want, Ells, but your words do not make it so,” Titeneva said. “Mr. President, the veto does not apply in this matter because the resolution directly involves the United States, and a permanent member nation of the Security Council cannot veto a resolution against itself. They must abstain, and therefore the resolution passes.”

“The Parliamentary Committee has already ruled that the resolution, although obviously aimed at the United States' recently announced space program, applies to any spacefaring nation, and is therefore subject to veto,” Apriyanto said. “Madame Foreign Minister, you are out of order. You may file a protest with the secretary-general and appeal to the General Assembly, but the resolution did not carry and the matter is closed. You may continue to observe our proceedings, but—”

“I will not continue to sit and observe this farce,” Titeneva said, shooting to her feet and throwing the translation earpiece on the table before her. “Listen to me very carefully. If the Security Council will not act, Russia will. Russia will not cooperate with any nation that opposes our desire for security against the American military space program, and if Russia detects that the United States is militarizing any aspect of their space hardware, Russia will consider that an act of war and will respond accordingly.

“Russian president Gryzlov has authorized me to inform you that Russia will no longer support manned or unmanned supply missions to the International Space Station,” Titeneva thundered on. “Further, Russia demands that the modules on the International Space Station that belong to Russia must be disconnected and made ready to transport to their own orbits immediately. The Russian modules are hereby considered sovereign Russian territory and must be vacated and surrendered to Russian control.”

“Detach the Russian modules?” Paula Ells retorted. “It's not a Lego toy up there, Daria. The modules were Russia's contribution to an international partnership. That partnership pays for the modules' upkeep, and the partnership pays Russia for use of the modules and for Soyuz support missions. You can't just take your bat and ball and go home—we're talking about twenty-ton modules traveling thousands of miles an hour orbiting hundreds of—”

“I do not want to listen to your tiresome American aphorisms, Ells,” Titeneva said, “and I told you never to call me by my first name in this or any other venue! Russia will not allow the so-called partnership to use modules built by Russians if the international community will not do something to assure Russia's national security interests, and we certainly do not want any nation antagonistic to Russia to freely use our modules. You will vacate and surrender them to Russia immediately, or we will take action.” And at that, Titeneva turned and departed the chamber, followed closely by Naryshkin.

S
AN
L
UIS
O
BISPO
, C
ALIFORNIA

O
NE
WEEK
LATER

James Ratel entered the back room of his
dojang
south of the city of San Luis Obispo to find Brad McLanahan already doing push-ups on the linoleum. “Well well, five minutes early . . . much better,” Chief Ratel said. “And you came ready for a workout. Maybe you are trainable after all.”

“Yes, Chief,” Brad replied, hopping to his feet and standing nearly at attention at the edge of the blue mat.

“Are you warmed up?”

“Yes, Chief.”

“Good,” Ratel said. “So far we've been concentrating on strength training, and I've seen progress. From now on you will continue these exercises on your own, on your own time. You don't need to go to a gym for a good workout. Push-ups, crunches, dips, and pull-ups, all to muscle failure, with no more than ninety seconds rest in between. Every week I'll test you again, and every week I expect to see improvements.”

“Yes, Chief,” Brad responded.

“Today will be your first self-defense lesson,” Ratel went on. He handed Brad a package. “From now on, you will wear a
beol,
or training outfit, what is called a
gi
in Japanese. Once we start more practical training, we'll do it in street clothes so you'll learn the feel in a more realistic way, but for now you'll wear this. You have thirty seconds to change.” It took Brad less than fifteen. Ratel showed him how to properly tie the white belt, and then they were ready.

“We'll start with the most basic self-defense tool first.” Ratel picked up a simple wooden walking cane with a pointed crook and two grooved grips carved into the wood, one near the crook and another farther down the shaft. “Many years ago, after the First Korean War, a South Korean master taught a school of self-defense called ‘Joseon,' in which he used canes and farm tools for self-defense. The style was taught because during the Japanese occupation of Korea during World War Two, and during the North Korean occupation, South Korean citizens were not allowed to carry knives or guns, but canes, walking sticks, and farm implements such as rakes, saws, and thrashers were very common. A U.S. Army serviceman noticed that the canes were used by the locals as very effective self-defense weapons, and he developed a method for training others on how to use a walking cane for self-defense. It became known as Cane-Ja, or cane-discipline. For the next several weeks you will walk with a cane and carry it with you at all times, even if you travel on an airplane or go into a school or courthouse. After you learn Cane-Ja, you will advance to other, more violent forms of self-defense, where the cane may not be necessary, or that can be used if you lose or break it.”

“A cane? You mean, like an old guy?” Brad protested. “I'm supposed to act like an old crippled guy and walk with a stupid cane, Chief?”

“You should not act like an old man,” Ratel said. “Never try to be something you're not—most people can't pull it off, most others can detect it, and you'll call attention to yourself. Act normally. You don't have to walk with a limp, put any weight on it, or even have the tip of the cane on the ground all the time, but you should carry it with you, have it at the ready, and never set it down. Loop it over your arm or belt, but never set it down because you'll forget it. You can loop it through straps on your backpack as long as it's easily within reach. And never refer to it as a weapon or as something that is necessary for self-defense. It is a walking stick—you will just happen to know how to use it as something else.”

“This is stupid, sir,” Brad said. “I'm supposed to carry around a stick with me? On the bicycle? In class?”

“Everywhere,” Ratel said. “Everyone around you must associate you with the cane and the cane with you. It must be your constant companion. People will see that bruise on your head and face, see the cane, and add one plus one, and that correlation will survive long after the injury is healed. Aggressors, on the other hand, will see the two and think you are weak and vulnerable, and that gives you an advantage.”

Ratel held up the cane. “Notice that the cane has a round crook that is pointed at the tip, and grips cut into the shaft at two places and a grip cut into the crook,” he said. “There is also a ridge along the back spine of the cane. We will adjust this cane for your height, but I estimated this one so it should fit well.” He gave it to Brad. “As with any cane, it should be long enough to provide support for your body if you lean on it, but not too short to diminish its striking power or have you assume a weak stance. Hold it alongside your body.” Brad did as he was told. “Good. Your arm is not quite straight. We want just a slight bend in your elbow. If you did lean on it, it should look natural, like you can really put a little weight on it.”

Ratel picked up his own cane, a well-worn version of Brad's, for a demonstration. “You normally stand with one or two hands on top of the crook and form a triangle with your legs, like so,” he said, standing casually before Brad. “This is the ‘relax' position. You're not really relaxing, but the idea is to appear relaxed and casual yet let a potential attacker that you have identified by your observations or instincts see that you have a cane, which might either deter him or embolden him. Obviously, with the kind of attackers we're preparing for, the sight of a cane is not going to deter them, but they might think you are weak. If you need your hands you can hook the cane on to your belt, but return to the ‘relax' position when you can. This is the first warning position to an attacker, the green light.”