Someone Wishes to Speak to You (24 page)

‘After Nyasaland gained its independence from Britain and became Malawi, Dr Hastings Banda became the country’s first president; and when Northern Rhodesia gained its independence from Britain in October of the same year and became Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda became the first president. Whereas the Southern Rhodesians were warned that should its RF Government declare UDI, to expect international sanctions, abandonment, citizenship-stripping, non-recognition and expulsion from the Commonwealth. During the months leading up to the UDI, Harold Wilson was reported to have bent quite far in his attempt to reach a compromise with the man he called “the slippery Ian Smith” and, by doing so, had even risked the resignation of Shirley Williams, Edmond Dell and others from his Cabinet.

‘But when UDI was declared on 11 November 1965 and Governor Humphrey Gibbs went through the motions of dismissing Smith and his Cabinet, which were predictably ignored, Wilson immediately recalled Britain’s High Commissioner to Southern Rhodesia, John Baines Johnston; and Rhodesia’s High Commissioner, Brigadier Andrew Skeen, was declared
persona non grata
and asked to leave Britain. It was also said that six Rhodesians who had been undergoing training at the RMA at the time were given the choice of remaining at Sandhurst and joining the British Army, or to return immediately to Rhodesia, which apparently they all did.

‘The day after UDI, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 216 condemning it as a declaration of independence “made by a racist minority”. Although, as far as Ian Smith’s RF Government was concerned, as more than ninety per cent of the Rhodesian white electorate had supported UDI, and at the same time were prepared to take up arms in order to secure the country’s independence and to combat any interference from the outside, it would lead to the best future for both the European and African communities. The government also hoped
that UDI would provide them with sufficient time to work towards a peaceful solution to the current stalemate between the two communities. In fact, the government declared that it would always be its ultimate goal to establish a multi-racial state, which would be of benefit to the African majority as well as to the European minority. But Ian Smith also made it quite clear to the outside world that he would not be rushed headlong into agreeing to majority rule, before his government had decided that the country was politically ready for such a democratically realised settlement.’

Sir Roger paused. ‘You may not think this is all relevant to today’s situation, but I want you to understand the background to this potential political volcano we’re sitting on today. I know your reasons for coming to Rhodesia are apolitical, but I want to give you the facts so you can develop your own informed opinion.’

‘I’m surprised to hear that the government declared it their goal to make Rhodesia a multi-racial state,’ said Mathew, ‘that must at least give us some hope that they are considering the whole population in their decision-making. But let me be the first to admit that my knowledge of the detail is limited, so please go on.’

‘Indeed, you may be surprised by other things I have to say – but we’ll come to those. The Organisation of African Unity, which included a number of the newly independent African Commonwealth leaders, was led by President Nyerere of Tanzania and President Kaunda in trying to pressurise Harold Wilson to use military force to bring down Ian Smith’s illegal Rhodesian régime. Wilson publicly stated that the OAU had no hope of persuading his government to use force. The declaration was reported to have come as no surprise to Ian Smith and his Cabinet – they had already heard through their security channels that as far as Britain’s Chiefs of Staff were concerned, any thought of military action would be a non-starter. You see, that would be quite logical to anyone who
understood the intimate and integrated relationship that existed between the British Army and Air Force and the Rhodesian forces, and the great loyalty and dedication which Rhodesia had always shown throughout the Second World War, and more recently during the Malayan Emergency.

‘So, it’s to Wilson’s credit that in spite of the OAU and the African Commonwealth leaders persistently pressing him to supply arms and money, he publicly flatly refused the requests, and was reported to have stated that “All their arguments and blandishments failed to change our minds”. So it seemed at the time that Wilson had learned from history not to fall into Sir Anthony Eden’s 1956 Suez-style fantasy in thinking that Britain had the military capacity, or the willingness of its forces, to overthrow the Smith régime by military intervention.’

‘I heard there were calls for Britain to use military force to bring Rhodesia into line,’ said Mathew, ‘and that Wilson was being put under pressure to do so, but I didn’t think it would happen.’

‘I’m telling you this in the strictest of confidence, you understand,’ continued Sir Roger, ‘but just after UDI had been declared, the British very nearly invaded Rhodesia. For during the months leading up to Ian Smith’s declaration of independence from the UK, and in spite of Harold Wilson’s aversion to making war on our “kith and kin” in the colony which he referred to as “rebel Rhodesia”, the situation did not prevent the defence planners of the Chief of Staff Committee from drawing up contingency plans for invading the Country.’

Sir Roger continued, ‘The first file that I was given to read had been marked “U.K. Eyes Only, Top Secret” which recorded that the plan must avoid risks which in other circumstances would be acceptable, and strongly advised the fledgling Wilson government against military intervention, for it said the consequence of failure would be appalling. It also mentioned that the current intelligence assessments did not give any ground for supposing that there would at present be anything but
whole-hearted European opposition to any UK force introduced into Rhodesia. It also highlighted that striking the first blow at Rhodesia forces would have the most severe implications, and could well put strain on the loyalty of some of our own units. The report also warned against underestimating the strength of Rhodesia’s RRAF, and the capabilities and resilience of Rhodesia’s military units.

‘In a subsequent Air Ministry report I was given to read prior to my appointment here, it stated that at the end of November 1965 Aden’s RAF station Khormaksar had been put on stand-by, all leave stopped, and the 105 Squadron and other flying units put to “immediate readiness”. It wasn’t until a senior air staff officer addressed the officers to tell them they were going to invade Rhodesia that anyone knew what it was all about.’

Mathew listened intently as Sir Roger went on to tell him the details of the strategy that had been devised for the invasion. The aircraft were not only going to come from Aden, but also from Cyprus and the UK. It was emphasised that this was a top-secret mission and that the plan was for the Argosy Force, comprising of ten aircraft, to depart at fifteen-minute intervals, starting at 0400 hrs, and fly to Nairobi’s Eastleigh Airport in Kenya to refuel and then onto Southern Rhodesia to airdrop 1 Para Brigade on the military side of Salisbury’s civil airport at New Sarum, as well as on the commercial airport itself. Once the airports had been made secure, for little resistance was expected, the planes were to land, refuel, and return to Nairobi to collect more troops and equipment. The plan had been that once the Argosy Force had completed their mission, returned to Kenya and got their aircraft turned around and refuelled, there was to be a steady stream of more Argosies and Hastings aircraft arriving at Eastleigh until the airport was full to capacity.

According to the confidential report about the raid, the pilots were briefed that if the invasion were to go ahead, they would
be departing Nairobi early the following morning, so as to arrive at Salisbury at first light. The idea was then for the Argosies and Hastings to air-drop the Paras onto New Sarum airfield, for the Beverleys to land and unload support hardware, and this to be followed by a stream of Britannias bringing in further reinforcements. The Labour Government’s strategy was to carry out a peaceful takeover of the Smith régime.

On 2 December 1965, the senior air staff officer (SASO) told pilots that the invasion was ‘on’. The RAF planes all had civil aircraft call signals, which was intended to lull the Rhodesians into thinking that there was just one civil aircraft. It was considered that Rhodesia’s Air Traffic Control was not in possession of radar able to detect the huge throng of aircraft flying behind the leader. The report stated that on the flight southwards, the Argosies had been joined by No 41 Squadron’s Gloster Javelins, and some of Aden’s Flying Wing Hunters, to combat any opposition, for the RAF were aware that the Rhodesian Airforce also had Hawker Hunters.

However, as the 105 Squadron flew southwards at the head of what was probably the largest collection of transport aeroplanes over Kenyan skies since the Second World War, when they reached the boundary of Rhodesian airport control’s authority over M’Beya, in Tanzania, they received what subsequently proved to be Rhodesia’s
coup d’état
. The Salisbury airport controller asked the leading plane’s navigator whether he would like the latest Salisbury weather, and when the reply was to the affirmative, the RAF navigator was given a forecast that could not have been more counter-productive to the invasion plans.

‘Whether the airport controller was pulling the wool over their eyes or not in saying that visibility was down to 400 yards,’ continued Sir Roger, ‘they couldn’t risk it as there was no way of checking. If it was correct the RAF couldn’t drop paratroopers, as they couldn’t see the ground. The invasion was called off at the eleventh hour and the Task
Force diverted to Lusaka, over 500 km to the north-west.

‘The next morning, the aircrews were very relieved to hear that the mission was to be abandoned. Apparently, although some furious OAU members threatened to sever diplomatic relations with London, it was Wilson’s Chiefs of Staff that eventually made him drop any future invasion plans, by telling him how reluctant they would be to go to war against a nation that had fought so bravely at their side throughout the Second World War and during the Malayan Emergency. I saw a subsequent report recording how the majority of those in the Middle East
Argosy
and
Beverley
Squadrons had nothing but the highest regard for Rhodesia’s security forces, both black and white, who had always treated them with great courtesy and affection during their many training flights to Rhodesia before the UDI. Many Rhodesians had close relatives in Britain, as well as comrades in the respective armed forces. And it wasn’t just an Air Force operation – the Royal Navy were to provide a task force in the Beira Straits to carry additional manpower and military hardware.

‘In my view, if the invasion had taken place it would have been absolutely catastrophic, not just for the military but for Rhodesia’s civilian population, both black and white. It was very fortunate from the British Government’s point of view that the whole operation received no publicity. This unsubstantiated theory that it would be unlikely for it to have experienced any serious opposition could not have been further from reality. The whole operation had not been given adequate thought or preparation, and if it had gone ahead, it would have reflected extremely badly on the British Government, and its armed forces in general.’

‘We can only be grateful that sanity prevailed in the end – just think how many lives would have been needlessly lost if it had gone ahead. Well, Sir Roger, you’ve certainly enlightened me this morning, I can now see the situation in a very different light.’

Taking into consideration what Sir Roger had told him, Mathew could see a justification for the efforts of the RF Government to slow down ZANU/PF’s and ZAPU’s wish for immediate independence, with one man, one vote elections, in order for them to take over the country’s government. Having had the opportunity to talk to so many people, both black and white, over the last year or so, he had become increasingly aware of how some of the country’s minority and sub-tribal groups, like his Manyika tribal friends, as well as Rhodesia’s European citizens, had become increasingly concerned about their possible alienation by the dominant Shona (and to a lesser extent Matabele) tribal overlords in the future.

That evening, Mathew accompanied the Willocks to a reception at the South African Embassy, at which Sir Roger introduced him to Lieutenant General Keith Coster OBE. Coster, like Sir Roger and his father, had served in North Africa in the Second World War.

After the afternoon’s conversation with Sir Roger, Mathew was keen to get an opinion from this wise and highly experienced soldier. ‘I’ve already lost far too many friends, both European and African, through insurgency attacks from across the borders,’ he told Mathew gravely. ‘I don’t know where it’s going to end up, but make sure you take the utmost care in the Vumba, don’t take your safety for granted.’ Mathew was glad to have made the acquaintance of the General; he found him to be a gentleman of considerable integrity and hoped their paths would cross again in the future.

Before Mathew returned to his camp at Castle Beacon, he spent a few days with Simon and Anna Vaughan-Jones, mostly to compare respective vervet monkey observations with Anna. Mathew showed Anna a series of facial mask drawings he had done on his vervet group, which vividly illustrated the elaborate facial signals that individuals use to communicate and when compared with those of his Stairs’ monkey family,
showed how diverse the signals were. He had rather hoped that he would have the opportunity to meet Jan again, but when Anna told him that she was away staying at the citrus estate that her father managed at Mazoe, he could not help feeling slightly relieved at not being plunged into more emotional turmoil. However, he was still determined to meet her again, in order to find out definitively whether his feelings were reciprocated.

On his return to Castle Beacon, Mathew soon settled back into his field studies. He had also agreed to take tape recordings of the monkey’s vocalisations on Anna’s behalf. The columns of the
Umtali Post
had begun to record some of the devastating events that were occurring in the newly independent Mozambique. It was reported that the Roman Catholic Church had been driven underground and baptism banned; the country’s legal code had been abolished and replaced by military tribunals; an estimated 50,000 people, including 150 Catholic priests, had been incarcerated in concentration camps; and Mozambique’s President, Samora Machel, had declared his country to be on a war footing with Rhodesia. After Mathew had read this, he was surprised to learn that Harold Wilson’s Labour Government had only recently given £15 million of humanitarian assistance to Mozambique.