Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader (66 page)

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Authors: Geremie Barme

Tags: #History, #Asia, #China, #Literary Criticism, #Asian, #Chinese, #Political Science, #Political Ideologies, #Communism; Post-Communism & Socialism, #World, #General, #test

BOOK: Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader
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Page 213
of the old Xi'an city walls that had not been repaired. They were replete with history. The taxi driver introduced me to some of his friends who were all hanging around on the lookout for fares.
This group started chatting and became very animated.
"You ask why I hang Chairman Mao. There's no particular reason, it's just that I still miss him.
3
He was victorious throughout China because he had the support of the people. He spoke on behalf of the people and was always thinking about them."
"If only cadres today could be a bit more like the Chairman."
"Corruption and dirty government is really undermining their prestige. If they don't do something about it there'll be hell to pay. . . ."
One morning I came across a woman taxi driver outside the Tang Dynasty Guest House [in Xi'an]. I got into her taxi and discovered that she too had a Mao picture hanging over the dashboard. It showed Mao as a young man in Baoan; the picture that was taken by Edgar Snow. . . . I really wanted to know why she had chosen to hang the young Mao.
"Where does your husband work and how old is your child?" I asked the usual questions.
She simply shook her head.
"Divorced?"
She still did nothing but shake her head. . . . Later I found out as we chatted that she drove a truck and was only helping out a friend by driving the taxi today.
"So you're still not married," I concluded.
She nodded.
"What type of partner are you looking for?"
"One just like him," she pointed at the portrait.
"You must be joking," I thought to myself. But I simply said, "You're being a bit romantic, aren't you?"
"I'll wait." She had her own view of things. She felt that there were too many materialistic people around, so she wanted to find someone with style like Mao Zedong.
What could I say? I recognized the fact that the charisma of Mao's personality has found a place in people's hearts. The image of Mao is not simply that of an individual; rather, he is the symbol of an incorruptible, practical Chinese communist who at all times and in all circumstances considered the welfare of the masses.
Quite by coincidence we came across a young man who had drawn a rope between two trees by the roadside and had hung Mao talismans from it for sale. I started chatting with him.

 

Page 214
Q: Where did you get all of these?
A: Hunan and Guangzhou. They're common in the south.
Q: How many would you sell in a day?
A: Only a few dozen.
Q: Who are your customers?
A: Mostly drivers: people who drive taxis, trucks, as well as chauffeurs who work for cadres. Lots of different people.
Q: Do you know why they buy them?
A: Beats me. Maybe they just like 'em.
Q: Then why do you sell them?
A: To make money.
He was being completely frank and sold another seven or eight as we talked.
Notes
1.
Yilu ping'an, yifan fengshun
and
zhaocai jinbao
respectively.
2.
Hongtashan xiangyan,
a deluxe brand of cigarettes from Yunnan.
3. The expression used in Chinese is
"xiang ta lao renjia,"
literally "I miss the venerable old boy."

 

Page 215
The Imprisoned Heart:
Consuming Mao
Li Xianting
Li Xianting is one of a number of ronin * art critics. Although he is based in Beijing, he now services the international art world, often acting as a guide to the arcana of China's nonofficial art world. An active writer and critic since the late 1970s Li has been witness to the evanescent fads and fashions of the Chinese art world. In the early 1990s he curated a number of major exhibitions of nonofficial art overseas, including
soi-disant
works of "Political Pop," often featuring the reworking of Mao's image, which flourished as the Communist Party became increasingly mired in its own ideological confusion.
Initially, it must have been liberating for younger artists to take the brush to the Chairman tongue firmly in cheek, but for the case of middleaged painters the experience was more unsettling. As Zhang Hongtu, the New York-based artist wrote of his experience in 1989:
. . . the Mao image has a charisma of its own. It's still so powerful that the first time I cut up an official portrait of Mao for a collage I felt a pang of guilt, something gnawing away inside me. Other people, in particular other Chinese, may well feel the same. As long as this "power to intimidate" exists, I will continue to do Mao.
1
However, on Mainland China in an age when politics past is open to ironical abuse and every hallowed Party icon can be suffocated in air quotes, Political Pop found its greatest value as a commercial gimmick.
As I have written elsewhere: "It is not surprising that much of the cultural iconoclasm that plays with Chinese political symbols tempers its irony with a disturbing measure of validation: by turning orthodoxy on its head the heterodox engage in an act of self-affirmation while staking a claim in a future regime that can incorporate them. On this most sublime level Mao has become a consumer item.
"Mao and other dated icons of the militaristic phase of Chinese social-

 

Page 216
ism can now safely be reinvented for popular and élite consumption. Madonna titillates her audiences with naughty evocations of Catholic symbols, ones that are culturally powerful and commercially exploitable. Political parody in China works in a similar fashion. Things might be very differentand dangerousif Deng Xiaoping was the icon being given the Warhol treatment."
2
Political Pop is a genre that developed and spread throughout the socialist world from the late 1970s through to the early 1990s. Combining the commercial dimension of Western Pop with the political icons of socialism, it resulted in works rich in a particular style of humor and absurdity. Political Pop can also be seen as emblematic of the late cold war period, a manifestation of the egregious absurdity artists felt as Western commercial culture infiltrated the socialist bloc.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Czech artist Milán Kunc and the Soviet artists Alexander Kosolapov and Leonid Bohov began creating Political Pop at roughly the same time. In their works they utilized Western consumer icons like Coca Cola as part of a humorous representation of communist icons like Lenin, Stalin, and the hammer and sickle.
3
It was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, that Political Pop made its first appearance in China. Unlike the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Political Pop in China was not part of a movement aimed at desecrating political leaders; rather, it evolved at a time when a mass revival of the MaoCraze was sweeping the nation.
In 1991-92, numerous Cultural Revolution-period songs glorifying Mao were re-recorded and released, large numbers of books related to Mao were published, Mao badges made a reappearance, and Mao portraits were printed on T-shirts, and a range of other products. There was, I would argue, a more complex mass mentality at work in the history of Political Pop in China than we have seen in either the Soviet Union or Eastern Europe. The MaoCraze of the early 1990s reflected a "Mao obsession" that still haunted the popular psyche. It is an obsession that combined both a nostalgia for the simpler, less corrupt, and more self-assured period of Mao's rule with a desire to appropriate Mao Zedong, the paramount God of the past, in ventures satirizing life and politics in contemporary China. This satirical spirit was something that was also reflected in the Student Demonstrations of 1989, particularly notable when demonstrators surrounded the police and the army and sang revolutionary songs at them. Both instances, that is, of the students in 1989 and the popular appropriation of Mao thereafter, are an expression of a typical style of Chinese irony, a temper and form of expression that has evolved among people who have lived for so many years

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