Secret and Suppressed: Banned Ideas and Hidden History (34 page)

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Authors: Jim Keith

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On March 2, 1993, at approximately 11 pm, while monitoring live Ku band transmissions from the Waco media set-up, I was surprised to view what was certainly an almost unedited video “refeed” of the assault. Having monitored news feeds in the past I knew from experience that the tape would be run twice. I proceeded to tape the second feed … this tape has been duplicated and distributed for my protection.

 

Over the ensuing weeks the tape was studied carefully by myself as well as by several men with military and law enforcement backgrounds. The conclusions reached are as follows:

 

1. BATF officers, either through mishandling, improper preparation, and/or defective equipment, suffered a minimum of two accidental weapon discharges. The first of which involved the Heckler-Koch MP5 assault rifle, and resulted in the death of Special Agent Stephen Willis and the injuring of another officer, as yet unidentified.

 

The second discharge occurred on an aluminum ladder, involving a Sig-Sauer P228 semi-automatic handgun, which, according to John C. Killorin, Chief of Public Affairs, ATF, has no safety. The weapon discharged in the holster of Agent Conway C. LeBleu, resulting in a flesh wound to his right leg. Agent LeBleu was able to ascend the ladder but met with death after entering a second-story window.

 

2. The attack plan failed to take into account the unusual architecture of the compound and thereby subjected officers crossing the roof from South to North to crossfire from agents seen firing from behind vehicles located on the west or front side of the compound.

 

3. The plan overestimated and/or was misinformed as to the construction of exterior and interior walls. This caused helicopter-based gunfire to pass completely through the building at angles endangering friendly forces on the ground.

 

4. The plan relied too heavily upon radio communication. When those communications were compromised, there was confusion as to the location of various forces, enemy as well as friendly. This too was a factor in the accidental tossing of a fragmentation device into the second story room, further identified as a 10’ × 10’ room adjoining David Koresh’s living quarters, which led to the death of agents Robert J. Williams, Todd McKeehan and Conway LeBleu.

 

5. Despite public statements to the contrary, agents are seen firing blindly into walls and windows without properly acquiring a target. This practice is known as “spray and pray” in law enforcement circles, and is unacceptable while executing an arrest warrant on one man, and one man only, where more than 100 innocent women, children and men are residing.

 

6. If after-the-fact statements by AFT spokespersons are true, and these affiants actually possessed and/or were suspected to possess weapons in the type and amount necessary to warrant the enforcement manpower at hand, then it is clear that management personnel failed miserably in prearranging ambulance and medical services for wounded or traumatized personnel, as evidenced by agents seen and heard well into the firefight telling TV cameramen to “call for an ambulance.”

 

7. ATF spokesmen Dan Conroy, Jack Killorin, Steven Higgins and David Troy have repeatedly stated that the “element of surprise” was paramount to the success of the “mission,” yet videotape reveals that two reporters are actually sitting clearly visible in a tree in front of the compound, and channel 10 crews were actually invited to “follow the ATF horse trailers in,” per conversation with Mr. Virgil L. Teter, KWTX, Waco.

 

8. Despite insistence that National Guard helicopters were requisitioned only to search for “hot spots” in the compound, their approach is clearly too low and off to the right and left to provide such a function.

 

9. Despite public statements that the three helicopters used in the raid sustained fire they are seen being examined in subsequent videotape, and no damage is visible.

 

10. An unidentified Davidian is seen and heard from a lower story doorway repeatedly calling for “peace” each time he is met with a hail of gunfire.

 

11. Agents are taped being assisted by Branch Davidians in the stabilization and evacuation of wounded officers; this behavior is inconsistent with persons having murderous intent.

 

12. The time of the Feb. 28th raid was deliberately misstated by two hours to allow editing of the video news tape before being released to the public.

 

13. There were no less than three tv station news crews waiting at the gate to follow the BATF into the complex.

 

14. The press was moved back three times in the first two days of the so-called stand-off to obscure from view federal agents “cleaning up” the bodies of two unarmed Branch Davidians killed by ATF snipers several hours after the “raid” had ended.

 

15. Even though it’s been widely reported that the final conflagration fire scene was too hot for investigators and medical examiners to enter for two days (because of “one million” rounds of “live” ammo) I have videotape footage of FBI agent Bob Ricks, ATF agent Swenson and others walking around in the ashes less than two hours after the fire was brought under control, wearing no protective clothing or eyegear whatsoever.

 
T
HE
D
ISINFORMATIONAL
P
LAGUE
 
 
A
N
I
NVITATION TO
W
AR
 

Eight days before the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi troops on August 2, 1990, President Saddam Hussein met with United States Ambassador April Glaspie at his presidential palace. The following transcript of that meeting, is an obvious indication of the duplicitous intentions of the New World Order to stir up a war in which hundreds of thousands were killed.

 

Ambassador Glaspie:
I have direct instructions from President Bush to improve our relations with Iraq. We have considerable sympathy for your quest for higher oil prices, the immediate cause of your confrontation with Kuwait. As you know, I have lived here for years and admire your extraordinary efforts to rebuild your country. We know you need funds. We understand that, and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your country. We can see that you have deployed massive numbers of troops in the south. Normally that would be none of our business, but when this happens in the context of your other threats against Kuwait, then it would be reasonable for us to be concerned. For this reason, I have received an instruction to ask you, in the spirit of friendship — not confrontation — regarding your intentions: Why are your troops massed so very close to Kuwait’s borders?

 

Saddam Hussein:
As you know, for years now I have made every effort to reach a settlement on our dispute with Kuwait. There is to be a meeting in two days; I am prepared to give negotiations only this one more brief chance. When we [the Iraqis] meet [with the Kuwaitis] and we see there is hope, then nothing will happen. But if we are unable to find a solution, then it will be natural that Iraq will not accept death.

 

Ambassador Glaspie:
What solutions would be acceptable?

 

Saddam Hussein:
If we could keep the whole of the Shatt al Arab — our strategic goal in our war with Iran — we will make concessions [to the Kuwaitis]. But, if we are forced to choose between keeping half of the Shatt and the whole of Iraq [including Kuwait, in Saddam’s view] then we will give up all of the Shatt to defend our claims on Kuwait to keep the whole of Iraq in the shape we wish it to be. [Pause, then Glaspie speaks carefully:]

 

Ambassador Glaspie:
We have no opinion on your Arab-Arab conflicts, such as your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary [of State James] Baker has directed me to emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960s, that the Kuwait issue is not associated with America. [Saddam smiles.]

 

After obtaining the tape and transcript of the Saddam-Glaspie meeting of July 29,1990, British journalists confronted Ms. Glaspie while leaving the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad on September 2, 1990:

 

Journalist 1:
Are the transcripts [holding them up] correct, Madame Ambassador? [Glaspie does not respond]

 

Journalist 2:
You knew Saddam was going to invade [Kuwait], but you didn’t warn him not to. You didn’t tell him America would defend Kuwait. You told him the oppose— that America was not associated with Kuwait.

 

Journalist 1:
You encouraged this aggression — his invasion. What were you thinking?

 

Ambassador Glaspie:
Obviously, I didn’t think, and nobody else did, that the Iraqis were going to take ALL of Kuwait.

 

Journalist 1:
You thought he was just going to take SOME of it? But, how could you? Saddam told you that, if negotiations failed, he would give up his Iran [Shatt al Arab waterway] goal for the “whole of Iraq, in the shape we wish it to be.” You know that includes Kuwait, which the Iraqis have always viewed as an historic part of their country! [Glaspie says nothing, pushing past the journalists]

 

Journalist 1:
America green-lighted the invasion. At a minimum you admit signaling Saddam that some agression was okay — that the U.S. would not oppose a grab of the al-Rumeilah oil field, the disputed border strip and the Gulf Islands — territories claimed by Iraq?

 

[Again, Ambassador Glaspie says nothing as the limousine door closes behind her.]

 
 
I
NSIDE THE
I
RISH
R
EPUBLICAN
A
RMY
 
Scott Smith
 

Journalist Scott Smith spoke with a representative for the Irish Republican Army’s governing Army Council, in this first (and last) interview ever granted to an American journalist.

 

Q:
How many members of the IRA are active now? [Estimates range from 250 to 1000.]

 

A:
That is best left unsaid for security reasons but we can state that we have as many as we need and are turning away applicants. About 25% of our volunteers, including support personnel for the Active Service Units, are women. Most members of the Oglaigh na Heireann are from the six occupied counties.

 

Q:
How many IRA have been killed since the beginning of this phase of the struggle in 1969?

 

A:
Somewhat less than 300, about a third of them due to explosions while they were preparing bombs, mostly in the early years.

 

Q:
In The Provisional IRA by Maille and Bishop they say the IRA is guilty of most of the civilian deaths. True?

 

A:
They claim there have been 2,500 civilians killed, when that is the total number of deaths since 1969, which shows you how reliable they are. The IRA explains the reasons for each individual execution. Occasionally there are mistakes but we are very careful to avoid harming innocent people — collaborators, however, are not innocent.

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