Safe Food: The Politics of Food Safety (2 page)

It soon became clear that
Safe Food
still had plenty to say about current events and, perhaps, could be made more useful to a wider audience. In rereading it, I was relieved to find that it holds up well in establishing the historical basis of our current food safety predicaments. For this new edition, I corrected typos, clarified a few fuzzy points, changed some tenses from present to past, and wrote an epilogue to bring the events up to date. Otherwise, the original text remains. But I did think one additional change was needed. The book’s subtitle,
Bacteria, Biotechnology, and Bioterrorism
, did not reflect its overarching theme: that food safety is political. The new subtitle,
The Politics of Food Safety
, is really what this book is about.

Here, I argue that whether we view microbes or genetic modifications as the greater hazard depends on whether we look at foods through the lens of scientific or other value systems. Microbial contamination is responsible for an estimated 76 million illnesses, 325,000 hospitalizations, and 5,000 deaths in the United States each year. Food biotechnology is responsible for no measurable human illness to date. Yet public dread and outrage about food safety problems continues to be much more about genetic modification than about the unlucky victims of severe food poisonings.

In part, the disconnect between science and values explains why it is so difficult to get Congress to act on matters of food safety. Congress
also views microbes as so familiar and so much under personal control that no governmental action is needed. Food industry pressures encourage this view. I have long said that nothing short of the death of a close relative of a senior senator by food poisoning will induce Congress to fix the food safety system. Otherwise, Congress will continue to respond to pressures from food corporations willing to cut safety corners and place their customers at risk to protect profit margins.

At the time of this writing, Congress is about to pass a new food safety bill, but one designed to fix only the FDA, not the system as a whole. Absent from the current debate is public dread and outrage about microbial contaminants and the politics of food safety. Without stronger public support for coordinated mandatory regulation of the entire food safety system, we can expect outbreaks and massive food recalls to continue, and even more people to suffer from illnesses that easily could have been prevented.

Serious researcher that I am, I must mention the alarming challenge posed by updating the endnotes to this book. Seven years after publication of the first edition, I could not find more than a handful of the eighty or so Internet references at their original addresses (URLs). Using titles, I was able to find most at new locations, but some seem to have vanished into cyberspace. I was dismayed to discover that the Internet is not the permanently tamperproof file cabinet I had imagined it to be. Fortunately, the titles are permanent. At the time of this writing they could be found at the listed URLs, but these must be considered ephemeral.

New York
February 2010

FOOD SAFETY IS A MATTER OF HUGE PUBLIC INTEREST. HARDLY
a day goes by without a front-page account of some new and increasingly alarming hazard in our food supply. As an academic nutritionist with a long-standing interest in how food affects health, I cannot help but deal with issues of food safety, daily. Students, colleagues, and friends often ask me whether it is safe to eat one or another food or ingredient. My department at New York University offers degree programs in the new field of food studies as well as in nutrition, and many instructors and colleagues associated with these programs work in restaurants or specialty food businesses. They also ask safety questions, as their livelihoods depend on serving safe food.

Nevertheless, I did not set out to write a book about food safety. My academic training is in science (molecular biology, but long lapsed) as well as in public health nutrition, and for many years my research has focused on the ways in which science and politics interact to influence government policies that affect nutrition and health. In that context, I have been speaking and writing about food biotechnology since the early 1990s. I immediately saw that genetically engineered foods raise questions about politics as much as about safety. Indeed, the safety questions seemed overshadowed by issues related to the implications of such foods for society and democratic values.

I originally intended to include several chapters on such issues in a book about the ways in which food companies use the political system to achieve commercial goals. That book,
Food Politics: How the Food Industry Influences Nutrition and Health
, came out in 2002 from the
University of California Press. In the course of events, however, it became clear that the subject of food safety deserved a book in its own right. To begin with, during the years I worked on
Food Politics
(1999 to 2001), food safety crises popped up one after another, especially in Europe. Mysteriously contaminated soft drinks, cows sick with mad cow and foot-and-mouth disease, and outbreaks of what my friend and colleague Claude Fischler calls “
Listeria
bacteria hysteria” were eliciting headlines and destroying economies as well as confidence in the food supply. On the domestic front, one food after another—hamburger and such unlikely suspects as raspberries, apple juice, and bean sprouts—appeared as sources of bacterial infections. Because some of the contaminating bacteria resisted antibiotics, the illnesses were difficult to treat. Product recalls because of microbial contamination also seemed to be growing both in size and public attention.

Furthermore, I was receiving increasingly urgent queries from purveyors of small-scale, artisanal cheeses who wanted to know: can cheeses in general, and raw milk cheeses in particular, transmit bacterial diseases, mad cow disease, or foot-and-mouth disease? The answers to such questions were not easy to find, and I was soon engaged in reading veterinary reports and badgering experts and federal officials for information. Eventually, I could provide a scientific answer: cheese has a low probability of transmitting these or any other diseases, but the possibility cannot be excluded. This answer is either satisfactory or not depending on whether one is an optimist or a pessimist, and it raises its own set of questions. Does a low probability of harm mean that a risk is negligible and can be ignored? Or is it unreasonable to take the chance? Would pasteurization (heating milk briefly to a temperature high enough to kill most bacteria) make cheeses safer? Should the federal government require cheese makers to pasteurize milk or to follow other special safety procedures? Is the benefit of eating prized specialty cheeses worth any risk, no matter how small? The answers to such questions involve judgments based in part on science, but also on more personal considerations—how much one values the taste of cheeses made from raw milk, for example, or the social contribution of artisanal cheese making. Because such judgments are based on opinion and point of view, and sometimes on commercial considerations, and because they affect the regulation, marketing, and financial viability of food products, they bring food safety into the realm of politics.

I have been a minor participant in making such judgments. As a member of the Food Advisory Committee to the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA) in the mid-1990s, I learned about other special safety procedures, particularly a scientific method for reducing the risk of harmful bacteria in food called, obscurely, Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point, or by its equally obscure acronym, HACCP (pronounced “hassip”). Despite its name, HACCP seemed to me to make a lot of sense, and I wondered why food companies—especially those that produce and process beef and chicken—seemed so reluctant to apply HACCP methods for reducing pathogens, and to test for microbial contaminants to make sure that infected meat stayed out of the food supply. Instead, food companies appeared to be using every political means at their disposal to resist having such rules imposed. Here, too, food safety issues seemed to be mired in politics.

On the morning of September 11, 2001, I was at home working on the index to
Food Politics
when terrorists attacked the World Trade Center, just a mile away from my New York City apartment. Among the many consequences of that event were some otherwise insignificant ones having to do with this book. My cheese purveyor colleagues added anthrax to their list of safety questions (answer: another situation of very low probability), and I realized that a book on this subject would also have to deal with food bioterrorism—an extreme example of food safety politics in action.

In some ways, this book extends the arguments set forth in
Food Politics
. There, I discussed the ways in which the food industry (the collective term for companies that produce, process, market, sell, and serve food and beverages) influences what people eat and, therefore, health. To encourage people to eat more of their products, or to substitute their products for those of competitors, food companies spend extraordinary amounts of money on advertising and marketing. More important, they use politics to influence government officials, scientists, and food and nutrition professionals to make decisions in the interests of business—whether or not such decisions are good for public health. In doing so, food companies operate just like any other businesses devoted to increasing sales and satisfying stockholders. One difference is that the food industry is unique in its universality: everyone eats.

To pick just one example: food companies donate campaign funds where they are most likely to buy influence. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, a group that tracks campaign contributions on its Web site, www.opensecrets.org, several food companies and trade associations discussed in this book ranked among the top 20 agribusiness donors in 2001, with contributions ranging from $100,000 to nearly $1
million. The skewed distribution of these donations to Republican rather than to Democratic members of Congress is especially noteworthy. For example, the giant cigarette company Philip Morris, which owns Kraft Foods, donated 89% of more than $900,000 to Republicans. Other companies involved in food safety disputes of one kind or another also donated heavily to Republicans: Archer Daniels Midland (70%), the National Cattleman’s Beef Association (82%), the Food Marketing Institute (90%), the National Food Processors Association (96%), and the United Dairy Farmers (100%). When the Republican administration of George W. Bush was in power, these groups expected to receive especially favorable attention to their views on food safety issues, and they usually did.

Underlying discussions of such matters of influence in
Food Politics
and in this present volume are several recurrent themes:

• The increasing concentration of food producers and distributors into larger and larger units

• The overproduction and overabundance of food in the United States

• The competitiveness among food companies to encourage people to eat more food or to substitute their products for those of competing companies

• The relentless pressures exerted by food companies on government agencies to make favorable regulatory decisions

• The invocation of science by food companies as a means to achieve commercial goals

• The clash in values among stakeholders in the food system: industry, government, and consumers

• The ways in which such themes demonstrate that food is political

Food safety, however, would seem to be the least political of food issues. Who could possibly
not
want food to be safe? Consumers do not want to worry about unsafe food and do not like getting sick. Unsafe food is bad for business (recalls are expensive, and negative publicity hurts sales) as well as for government (through loss of trust). As this book explains, food safety is political for many of the same reasons discussed in
Food Politics
: economic self-interest, stakeholder differences, and collision of values. At stake are issues of risk, benefit, and control. Who bears the risk of food safety problems? Who benefits from ignoring them? Who makes the policy decisions? Who controls the food supply? For the most
part, these are political—not scientific—questions, and they demand political responses. Because billions of dollars are involved, food safety issues are “hot topics” demanding attention from everyone involved in the food system: producers, distributors, regulators, and the public.

I wrote this book for everyone—from general readers to scientists—who would like to know more about the issues underlying disputes about food safety issues. How concerned should we be about the safety of the food we eat? What aspects of food safety issues should concern us? What issues really are involved? The purpose of the book is to establish a basis for a better understanding of the issues, the positions of the various stakeholders, and the ways in which the political system operates in matters as fundamental as the safety of the food we eat. I hope this book will help everyone interested in food, whether trained in science or not, to develop more considered opinions about food safety issues.

In part because I want the book to reach a wide audience, I have worked hard to make it accessible, readable, and free of jargon, and have defined terms that might be unfamiliar whenever they appear. Although nontechnical discussions of science necessarily omit crucial details, I have tried to provide enough sense of the complexity to make the political arguments understandable. Because any discussion of government policy inevitably requires abbreviations, I define them in the text and in a list (page
XV
). For readers who might like a quick reminder of the science underlying genetic engineering, an appendix provides a brief summary.

Although I do not try to disguise my own views on the issues discussed in this book, I attempt to present a reasonably balanced account of them. Because any book expressing a political point of view is likely to be controversial, I extensively document my sources. I refer to articles in traditional academic journals and books, of course, but also to newspaper accounts, press releases, and advertisements. These days, many previously inaccessible documents are available on the Internet, and I cite numerous Web addresses in the notes that conclude this book. The notes begin with an explanation of the citation method and the definitions of whatever abbreviations seemed most convenient to use. Because I have been a member of federal committees dealing with some of the issues considered here, and because I frequently attend conferences on these subjects, I sometimes refer to events that I witnessed personally, but I have tried to keep such undocumented observations to a minimum.