Promise of Joy (21 page)

There was a gasp from all around the room, sudden boos from Zambia, Rumania and Ghana, a wave of hisses from the galleries. She only raised her head a little higher and went on.

“On behalf of my government I send to the Chair a resolution and ask for its immediate consideration by the Security Council.”

“Mr. President,” the Soviet Ambassador cried, “that is completely irregular, Mr. President! The delegate of the United States should introduce her resolution and give us time to study it, Mr. President. She should not try to spring it upon us when we are unsuspecting and unprepared! It should lie over for twenty-four hours, Mr. President! I so move, Mr. President, and ask for an immediate vote on the motion!”

“Mr. President!” Egypt, Cuba and Rumania cried together, and “Mr. President!” Lord Maudulayne, Krishna Khaleel and Raoul Barre cried with equal vigor.

“The distinguished delegate of France,” Australia said promptly. Raoul leaned forward with a sort of bored weariness that brought him immediate attention, as he intended it should.

“Mr. President,” he said, “does it occur to no one, including the Soviet Ambassador, that we should at least find out what we are being called to vote upon? I would like to know, at least, what the United States proposes. Is that small boon permissible, I will ask the Soviet Ambassador?”

“It is irregular, Mr. President!” Nikolai Zworkyan said angrily. “It is completely irregular, what is being proposed here by the delegate of the United States and supported by the delegate of France! I oppose it, Mr. President, I oppose it!”

“Must I,” Raoul inquired in the same bored tone, “go so far as to make a formal motion that the resolution of the United States be read to the Council—and we will then have to vote on
that?
I would assume such pettifogging to be beyond the reach even of the delegate of the Soviet Union, Mr. President. But I will so move if he forces me.”

“Well,” Zworkyan said, glowering about with a carefully calculated air of indignation, “the Soviet Union does not choose to engage in that scurrilous type of debate, Mr. President. The Soviet Union believes the issues here are too grave for that type of thing. The delegate of France may indulge himself in name-calling and hostile words, Mr. President, but we will not!”

“Christ,” Lafe said, again making no attempt to keep his voice down. “What a hypocrite!”

“The Chair,” Australia said hastily, “will ask the Secretary-General to read the resolution of the United States for the information of the Council.”

And after waiting a moment to make sure that the Soviet Ambassador would indeed conclude the bluster and subside, as everyone expected, the Secretary-General read in his clipped British-American accent:

“Whereas, the armed forces of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China have today launched unprovoked aggressions in the nations of Panama and Gorotoland, and whereas such unprovoked aggressions interfere with attempts to negotiate a peaceful settlement of those two conflicts, and are a major and obvious threat to world peace; and,

“Whereas, the government of the United States, acting in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, has accordingly taken steps to strengthen the chances for world peace and enhance the opportunities for meaningful negotiations in those two countries by opposing the unprovoked aggressions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China; and,

“Whereas, the President of the United States in his Inaugural Address called upon the Heads of Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to meet with him in Geneva to negotiate peaceful settlements of outstanding world problems; and,

“Whereas, the Heads of Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China have not yet signified their intention to attend such a meeting in the interests of world peace:

“Now, therefore, be it resolved:

“That the Security Council endorses the actions of the United States in seeking to strengthen world peace and enhance the opportunities for meaningful negotiations in Gorotoland and Panama, and calls upon the Heads of Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China to meet forthwith in Geneva with the President of the United States and begin at once meaningful and constructive negotiations looking toward peaceful solutions of the outstanding issues which threaten world peace and the future of mankind.”

(“Incredible arrogance!” the
New Statesman and Nation
told the
Times of India.
“Unbelievable effrontery!” the
Times of India
told the
New Statesman and Nation.
)

“Mr. President,” Ceil said quietly, “I move the Council now vote on the resolution of the United States.”

“Mr. President!” Nikolai Zworkyan exclaimed angrily. “Mr. President, such incredible arrogance, such unbelievable effrontery! I do not see how the Security Council can tolerate it for one minute, Mr. President! Accordingly”—and for a brief second, like a tiny gleam of light in his theatrically thunderous face, a self-satisfied little smile broke through and disappeared again—“the Soviet Union has no choice but to offer its own resolution. Mr. President, I call up the resolution of the U.S.S.R. introduced this morning, ask the Secretary-General to read it, offer it as an amendment to the resolution of the United States and request an immediate vote.”

And with an air of triumph he made no attempt to conceal, he rose briskly, walked around the table, placed a copy of his resolution smartly on the desk in front of Australia and returned to his seat. Sun Kwon-yu of China watched with a bland, impassive face.

“The bastard’s in order,” Lafe leaned forward to whisper angrily in Ceil’s ear, “but protest it.”

“Mr. President!” she said quickly. “Mr. President, the United States objects to this obvious attempt to deny the Security Council a chance to vote on the merits of our resolution. We protest this unprincipled attempt to …”

“Madam Ambassador,” Australia interrupted regretfully but firmly as a little rustle of scornful laughter swept the room, “I am afraid the delegate of the Soviet Union is entirely in order. I am afraid I must ask the Secretary-General to read the text of the Soviet resolution.”

And after a moment, as Ceil sat slowly back in her chair and turned upon Nikolai Zworkyan a thoughtful, sardonic gaze, the dignified old man obliged again:

“Whereas, the government of the United States has been guilty of consistent violations of world peace in the countries of Gorotoland and Panama; and,

“Whereas, these unprovoked aggressions and acts of war by the government of the United States have continued for many months in direct defiance of the United Nations and its coordinate bodies, the Security Council and the General Assembly; and,

“Whereas, the United Nations and its coordinate bodies have several times attempted to restrain and terminate these aggressions and acts of war by the government of the United States, only to be thwarted by vetoes of the government of the United States in the Security Council and open defiance of obvious overwhelming sentiment in the General Assembly; and,

“Whereas, the governments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China, determining that as peace-loving democratic states they must come to the aid of this body in the face of United States war aggressions, have proceeded to take such necessary steps as they deem advisable to repel such aggressions and restore world peace in Gorotoland and Panama:

“Now, therefore, be it resolved:

“That the United Nations, acting through the Security Council, does approve, endorse and support the necessary steps taken by the People’s Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to halt United States aggression against world peace, and pledges its support in all ways required to assist the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China in maintaining world peace and order in Gorotoland, Panama and all other areas of the world where peace is threatened by aggressive designs of the government of the United States;

“And further be it resolved:

“That the United Nations demands that the United States cease and desist immediately and forthwith from all military actions of whatever nature in Gorotoland and Panama, and that all United States personnel, military and otherwise, be withdrawn immediately from those two countries; and further:

“That the United Nations demands that the President of the United States meet immediately following such cease-fires and withdrawals with representatives of the People’s Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to negotiate settlements in Gorotoland and Panama that will restore world peace, establish democratic regimes in those two countries and terminate the possibility of any further aggressive war adventures by the government of the United States anywhere in the world.”

“Mr. President,” Nikolai Zworkyan said calmly into the expectant silence that followed, “the U.S.S.R. demands a vote.”

“Mr. President,” Ceil said with equal calmness, “if the delegate presses his resolution the United States will veto.”

“And if the delegate presses
her
resolution,” Zworkyan snapped, “the Soviet Union will veto. So I would say to you, Madam Ambassador: let us vote and be damned. And when we have done so, let us take it to the General Assembly and see who wins there!”

“Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, sir!” Jawbone Swarthman cried to William Abbott over the noisy tumult of the House, and in the excited galleries and across the buzzing floor it could be seen that he was waving a piece of wire-service copy taken from the tickers in the Members’ Reading Room just off the floor.

“See here what happens, Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, sir, when this Administration carries its ill-advised war policies to that great forum of the nations up there in New York, that great United Nations up there! Why, sir, this Administration gets
licked,
it gets
defeated,
it gets
humiliated!
Hear this, now, Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, sir! Just hear this!”

And whipping a pair of
pince-nez
from his vest pocket he popped them on his rosy button of a nose, held the wire copy at arm’s length and read in a loud accusatory voice:

“‘United Nation, New York—The Security Council today handed the new Knox Administration a stinging defeat by voting 9-4 for a Soviet-Chinese resolution condemning United States aggressions in Panama and Gorotoland, demanding immediate U.S. withdrawal from those two countries and calling on President Knox to attend an immediate peace conference with representatives of the Soviet and Chinese governments.

“‘The resolution was vetoed by Mrs. Edward M. Jason, newly appointed U. S. Ambassador to the United Nations. But while the veto killed the resolution, it did not erase the overwhelming condemnation of the President’s war moves of the past twenty-four hours contained in the votes of other Security Council members.

“‘Only Australia, Norway and Lesotho, nonpermanent members of the Council, joined the United States in voting against the Soviet-Chinese resolution. Two other permanent members, Britain and France, abstained. Neutralist India joined Chile, China, Cuba, Egypt, Ghana, Rumania, Zambia and the Soviet Union in voting for the resolution.

“‘The Council then turned to an opposing United States resolution seeking condemnation of the Soviets and Chinese for their response to American moves in the two war-torn countries in Africa and Central America. It was expected that the vote on that resolution (Note to editors: Expected within the hour) would represent a similar overwhelming rebuke to the Knox Administration’s policies.’

“So, Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, sir!” Jawbone cried triumphantly, the corn-pone accent that concealed the shrewd Phi Beta Kappa,
magna cum laude
graduate of Duke University Law School at its most fulsome and florid.

“So!
What does
that
say for the policies of this new President we have, I ask you? What does that say about his aggressin’, his movin’ in on li’l ole Gorotoland and Panama, his
gettin’ tough
with them, when all they’s tryin’ to do, Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, sir, is just to have theyseffs a li’l ole democracy, a li’l ole bit of freedom, a li’l ole
self-determination
without the big ole imperialist Yewnited
States
gettin’ in there and tryin’ to mess things up! That’s what it’s come to, Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, sir, jes’ messin’ things up! Now, isn’t that right, I ask you? Isn’t that right?”

“Is the gentleman,” William Abbott asked ominously from the chair he was reoccupying until the House made up its mind on a new Speaker, “asking me?”

“Yes, sir!” Jawbone said stoutly. “Yes, sir, I
am
askin’ our beloved ex-President, our beloved ex-Speaker, here, seein’ as how we’re now in the midst of a debate in which he’s tryin’ to persuade this House he ought to be Speaker
agin.
Yes, sir, I do ask you, Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, sir, since you been makin’ yourself the o—fficial spokesman for this dangerous new Administration we got down there in the White House now. I
am
askin’ you, I say to the gentleman from Colorado, and I tell you
this House wants to know what you goin’ say in reply!
Yes, sir,
we want to know!”

“Well, sir,” the ex-President said in an acid tone, gesturing to the Minority Whip, an amiable gentleman from Missouri, to take over the Chair, “I’ll tell the gentleman and this House, since they want to know. I’ll tell them!”

And he rose and came slowly down to the microphones in the well of the House and stood there for several moments staring out impassively upon his restless colleagues and the standing-room-only crowds in the galleries. He looked as he had always looked when he held the reins of the House—stolid and unimpressed, solid and powerful—a natural force, great in the land, and muchly to be reckoned with.

Except that this time he was fighting for his political life, and here in the body he had dominated for so long, everyone knew it.