Patrick McLanahan Collection #1 (162 page)

“That's fair, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “But I know you
understand that Russia has interests in the region as well, and American military actions directed against Iran may interfere with Russia's interests. That's why I urge restraint and caution, Mr. President: your forces may harm Russia just as easily as McLanahan's spaceplanes violated Russian airspace.”

“I pledge to you that America will not intentionally do anything that violates Russia's sovereignty or national interests,” Martindale went on. “But America considers Iran's actions in Turkmenistan a serious violation of international law and of America's sovereign right to operate in non-aligned territories. We respect and appreciate Russia's call for restraint and caution, but we won't sit back patiently while Iran kills and captures Americans and steals our property. Russia is cautioned that if they are in harm's way when America responds, we are not responsible for what happens.”

“Kevin, that sounds like a prepared message—I thought we could talk to each other man to man,” Zevitin said.

“It's not a prepared speech, Leonid. That's how I feel, and that's my position. Our problem right now is with Iran. We know you have economic and military ties with Iran. We know…”

“Our only ties to Iran are economic, Kevin, as well as diplomatic,” Zevitin said. “But Iran is a friend and a recognized strategic partner of Russia. Any military action against Iran would be of very great concern to us.”

“Leonid, Russia has sold over five billion dollars' worth of advanced military hardware to Iran in just the past few years,” Martindale said. “We know you have advisers and instructors on the ground throughout Iran. You may consider that purely economic, but the United States considers that military support. Russia has in the past tried to assert the 1987 Russo-Iranian Mutual Defense Treaty…”

“That treaty was signed only because of American support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War,” Zevitin said. “Russia does not station any troops in Iran, as you do in Iraq. We have occasionally conducted joint exercises and participated in training and officer exchange programs, as does the United States with many of their
friends and allies.” He paused for a moment, and when he spoke again his voice was considerably lighter. “Come come, Kevin, we can argue like this to the end of time. Why bother? Let's let the diplomats with their rose-colored language squabble over this and that. We can deal with this issue like leaders.

“I called to offer Russia's sympathy and assistance in getting your man and your property back,” Zevitin went on. “As I said, Kevin, if you go to the Security Council, file a protest, and draft a resolution condemning Iran and demanding immediate return of all American property, Russia will stand with you. We will use all of our influence to see to it that the resolution is unanimously passed, and we will support any actions, short of war, to enforce the resolution. But if you decide not to take that path, Russia will not support you, and will vigorously protect and defend our own interests in the region.”

“Now who sounds like he's reading from a prepared statement, Leonid?” Martindale asked, trying to keep his own tone light.

“As you know, Kevin, we Russians do not like to have breakfast each morning unless it has been planned five years ahead of time,” Zevitin said in an equally light tone, “but this time it is not from a prepared statement—it is from me.” His tone darkened considerably, and his Russian accent abruptly overshadowed the Western ones. “Step lightly in Iran, Mr. President. Use the United Nations, your allies, and Russia, and have patience. America has been wronged here, but America is not an innocent party in Iran either—we both know this to be true. Ask for support and you will get it, especially from Russia. Ask for trouble and violence, and you will get that as well.”

“Especially from Russia, Leonid?” Martindale asked.

There was a long, ominous pause on the line; then: “Good-bye, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “May you be well. Good night to all your advisers listening in as well.”

“Good-bye, Mr. President. Take care.” He hung up the phone, and the others did as well. “That went better than I expected,” he said sarcastically.

“I wouldn't trust him as far as I could throw him, Mr. President,” National Security Adviser Sparks said.

“He's telling us what he knows, sir,” Secretary of State Mary Carson offered, “and he knows a lot. The Iranians must be feeding the Russians all their intel.”

“We've known the Russians have had military advisers in Iran for years, as the President told Zevitin,” Patrick McLanahan said. “But this level of cooperation is a serious development. Zevitin was issuing us a warning.”

“A warning? What warning?”

“I think Russia will intervene if we go into Iran,” Patrick replied. “He's giving us a way to save face by going to the United Nations; by doing that, he can also give the Iranians more time to deal with the insurgency without resorting to more heavy-handed tactics. Whatever the reason, there's no doubt that Russia and Iran are assisting each other now.”

“Why would Russia help Iran?” Vice President Hershel asked. “Just to sell them more military hardware?”

“Not only that, ma'am, but a powerful Iran that distracts attention and commits resources toward the Middle East takes attention and pressure away from Russia, which allows it to continue its own military buildup and reassert itself in Europe and Asia,” Patrick said. “Iran will take bolder steps toward regional hegemony if they know Russia is behind them. And even a few Russian so-called ‘advisers' and ‘instructors' in Iran is a good tripwire in case we do act. If we kill Russians, it'll be seen as an overt act of aggression.”

“Which is precisely why we can't escalate this crisis by planning any more actions in Iran, Mr. President,” Carson said pointedly. “How would we even know if Russians were on the ground if we struck an Iranian target? We'd have to assume every Iranian missile site had a Russian nearby. They might even put a Russian uniform on one of theirs and call it an act of war.”

“Enough already,” the President said, exasperation in his voice. “You all heard what I told Zevitin: I'll be relieved and happy to start de-escalating tensions with Iran, but only after our man and
our equipment are returned to us. Until then, Iran stays in the crosshairs. I think Zevitin will communicate that plainly enough to the Iranians, but in case he doesn't, I want to start moving toward direct action.”

He rose, and his advisers got to their feet as well. Martindale clasped Patrick on the shoulder as he departed. “Patrick, as usual, you're the tip of the spear—again. Keep me and General Sparks posted on your team's progress, and be prepared to move as soon as possible.”

“Yes, sir.”

“Mary, when we talk to the allies, we'll have to notify them that we've already begun plans for direct action against Iran.”

“They're not going to like it, sir,” Carson said. “Should I give them details?”

“Of course not…and I don't give a damn if they don't like it,” the President said. “If they want to talk to me about it, fine, but I'll tell them the same thing.”

“Yes, Mr. President.”

“Joe, I need you to build a plan that protects all the assets you mentioned that Iran could strike—shipping in the Persian Gulf, allied nations, and our forces stationed in the region. Let's notify the theater commanders and MAJCOMs of what's going on and what we intend to do about it.”

“But those plans can't work together with McLanahan's, sir, if he's already got bombers, spaceplanes, and those armored commando gizmos already there,” Gardner protested. “It'll take us days, perhaps weeks, to surge enough assets to the Gulf region to protect our allies who might be in danger from an Iranian retaliatory strike. The Iranians have a big head start. McLanahan's guys will have to pull back.”

“No one's pulling back,” the President insisted. “Maybe if the Iranians see more American ships and planes deploying to the area, they'll back off.”

“Or they might move faster and more aggressively, sir,” Gardner warned.

“Then they'll be on the defensive and have to decide if they want to start a shooting war or pull back,” the President said. “Up until now, they've been calling the shots, and I want that to stop. Push all the forces you can into the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Oman, and Iraq. Have everyone keep their fingers off the triggers unless the Iranians fire first, but have them ready to fight if they're needed.”

“Yes, Mr. President,” Gardner said. He shook his head at Patrick as the commander-in-chief departed. “I hope your guys do better this time, McLanahan. Thank God I don't know what in hell you're doing.”

Maureen Hershel came over to Patrick after everyone had left. “Don't listen to Gardner,” she said softly. “All he's been doing around here lately is railing against you. I haven't seen any plans from his office on how to deal with the insurgency or what the Iranian Revolutionary Guards might do. I don't even think he believes it's real or of any concern for the United States. Now that Iran has got your guys, he thinks everyone will be coming to him for answers. Watch out for him—he still has the President's ear, even more than you or I.”

 

DOSHAN TAPPEH AIR BASE,
TEHRAN, IRAN

THREE DAYS LATER

“Allah akbar, allah akbar!” the loudspeaker announcement began. “There is no God but God, blessed be his name, and Mohammed is his prophet! May God keep the faithful safe and protected, and may he bring unspeakable wrath upon all infidels and the unfaithful! All true believers gather before me and heed the commands of the Faqih, the voice of God on Earth.”

A large crowd of about a thousand men, mostly older men and teenagers, began to move toward the loudspeakers, carrying
simple construction tools, tool boxes, and bags of food and water. “Upon the command of the Faqih, may he stand at the right hand of God, to all the faithful, the Jihad-e Sazandegi Ministry of Construction Crusades announces a construction jihad this day on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Revolutionary Guards Corps. Our mission is to rebuild the gates and outer walls of this installation. The rewards for the faithful and hard-working citizens who help will be the thanks of Allah, your government, and the Revolutionary Guards Corps for whom you will serve.

“Along with the blessings of the Almighty, any man who serves with the Jihad-e Sazandegi will receive relief from tithe for one year for himself, as well as relief for himself, one son, or one grandson from compulsory military service once the project is complete. Step forward, sign your name to the register, swear your oath to work diligently on behalf of the Faqih and the state, and let us begin, under the watchful eyes of God the generous.”

As commanded, the men stepped forward in several lines to sign up for work. The construction jihad was a popular way to get workers for a project. Although there was no pay, the workers were fed and housed at least as well as a soldier, were generally treated well, and received not only the benefits mentioned but consideration for other transgressions or wishes: a student wishing to get into a good college or madrasa might get a second look after he or his father participated in a construction jihad, or a man falling behind in his rent or utility payments might get part of his debts erased by volunteering.

The workers' belongings were checked as they filed through the entryway to the base, and their persons were subjected to pat-down searches, but it was soon obvious that it was more important to get workers busy than it was to do thorough searches. Each worker signed his name and filled out a short form detailing where he was from, his skills, and his training. The names were cross-checked on a computer to scan for convicted criminals or wanted men. But a construction jihad was a way for convicted men to reduce their parole or probation period, so the computer
usually turned up many hits on convicts. Those men were typically assigned to duties outside the base, on the wall or close by.

“These are all old men and children—we'll never get this project done,” the commanding officer of the work detail, Pasdaran Major Abdul Kamail, said to his noncommissioned officer in charge. “I need workers, Sergeant, not drunks, kids, and handicap cases.”

“Best we could get, sir,” the NCOIC, Sergeant Qolam Loshato, said. “Putting out the word for a work detail without pre-screening individuals usually results in this type of turnout. Besides, they're working in a Pasdaran facility—who in their right mind wants to voluntarily step within grasping distance of the Pasdaran?”

“If the people are innocent, they have nothing to worry about from the Pasdaran,” Kamail said dismissively. Loshato suppressed a chuckle—he knew no one ever wanted to cross the Pasdaran, innocent or guilty. “Anyway, I don't care about the people's paranoia—the priority is still to get that outer fence up. That shouldn't take more than one or two days. Work them through the night if you need to, but I want that outer fence up.”

“Sir, may I suggest bringing some of the jihadis that do not have criminal records in to begin work on the training center and repairs on the security building?” Loshato said. “If we're going to be asked to bring the Pasdaran force up to two hundred thousand in six months, we're going to need those buildings repaired, wired, and ready for recruits and cadre.”

“I'm not worried about offices for cadre or barracks for training more recruits, Sergeant—I'm worried about insurgents getting into this base,” Kamail said.

“Our orders were to get the base ready at all costs…”

“And what about security while we repair and outfit this base, Sergeant?” Kamail asked. “Reports are that over two hundred insurgents were killed at Arān. Two hundred! They could have caused a lot of havoc if they attacked here instead.”