"Non-Germans" Under the Third Reich (230 page)

8.
Klein, “Zur Stellung des GG” (1941); Giese, “Die gegenwärtige Staatsangehörigkeit.”

9.
Decree issued by the government of the General Government, Central Department of Internal Administration, on January 7, 1942 (ZS, Polen 257, Bl. 62).

10.
Telex message from the RSHA of March 12, 1942, to the CSSD in Kraków, regarding a discussion on the introduction of the
Deutsche Volksliste
(the German Ethnic Classification List) with representatives of the
Stabshauptamt
(the Central Office of the
Reichsführer
-SS/RKF) and the
Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle
(the Racial German Assistance Office), quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:192 ff.

11.
Madajczyk,
Polityka
, 1:287 ff., 453 ff. Cf. Frank’s comments at meetings held on March 2 and February 25, 1940 (both quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:159 n.3), as well as a meeting of departmental heads on April 12, 1940 (160 n. 6), and at meetings on May 30, 1940 (n. 7), October 9, 1940 (n. 8), December 16, 1941 (161 n. 11), and March 11, 1942 (n. 12).

12.
Decree on the Introduction of an Identity Card for German Nationals in the General Government, January 26, 1940 (
VBl.GG
1 [1940]: 36), with First Implementing Regulation of February 2, 1940 (
VBl.GG
2 [1940]: 73). This group included those persons who fulfilled the criteria for inclusion in DVL 1–3 (groups 1–3 of the German Ethnic Classification List)—in the Annexed Eastern Territories, DVL-3 Germans (as they were known) were
not
classed as ethnic Germans. Statistics in Gollert,
Warschau unter deutscher Herrschaft
(1942), 129.

13.
Decree on the Introduction of an Identity Card for Persons of German Extraction in the General Government, October 29, 1941 (
VBl.GG
[1941]: 622).

14.
Report on the activities of the Racial German Assistance Office under the authority of the district SS and police leader of Lublin, in the area of
völkisch
recuperation of Polonicized former German settlements in the Lublin District, May 21, 1942 (Doc. Occ. 6:208 ff.).

15.
Announcement by State Secretary Bühler on behalf of the government of the General Government in
Krakauer Zeitung
, October 28, 1943. Circular decree of Reich Ministry of the Interior, November 12, 1942 (MinBliV [1942]: 2143).

16.
Decree of Reich Ministry of the Interior, May 22, 1944 (Nuremberg doc., NO-4850).

17.
For further details, see Broszat, “Erfassung und Rechtsstellung von Volksdeutschen und Deutschstämmigen im GG,” expertise, in IfZ, 2:259 f.

18.
As explained above in section 2, the administration considered political and cultural elements, as well as the question of descent (“Bekenntis zum deutschen Volkstum”), whereas the district SS and police leaders held a more racially oriented view of what constituted an ethnic German (
Volksdeutsche
) or a person of German extraction (
Deutschstämmige
). According to the draft by the CSSD of May 14, 1942,
Deutschstämmige
were “Polonicised or Slavicized persons, wholly or partly of German descent” (reproduced in
Doc. Occ.
6:194 ff.). Concerning the classification by the SS of “
Deutschstämmige
in the General Government in so-called ‘value groups,’ ” see decree of the RFSS/RKF to all representatives of the RKF, May 26, 1944 (reproduced in
Doc. Occ.
6:207); cf. also Broszat, “Erfassung und Rechtsstellung von Volksdeutschen und Deutschstämmigen im GG,” 255; “Diensttagebuch,” October 23, 1941. According to Broszat, “Erfassung und Rechtsstellung von Volksdeutschen und Deutschstämmigen im GG,” 253, of the total of 73,532 registered
Volksdeutsche
, only 40,144 had “retained their
Deutschtum
” and had declared their loyalty; a further 30,318 were registered as so-called A category (i.e., strongly “Polonicized” but ready for naturalization), 2,622 as G category (
fremdrassig
—of foreign race), and 448 as persons of German blood not ready for naturalization.

19.
Instruction of
Reichsführer
-SS/RKF, June 13, 1944, quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:204 ff.

20.
According to confidential guidelines to the Decree on the Introduction of Identity Cards for Persons of German Extraction in the General Government, October 29, 1941 (Institute for Western Studies, Pozna
, doc. I-452; also
Doc. Occ.
6:187 ff.), the following criteria were to be applied when assessing German extraction: race, health, genetics, performance,
Volkstum
, and security.

21.
Instruction of
Reichsführer
-SS/RKF, June 13, 1944 (
Doc. Occ.
6:204 ff.). Comments by SS-
Sturmbannführer
Hans Weibgen to the Party leadership of the General Government, May 15, 1944 (“Diensttagebuch” 1944).

22.
Decree on the Rights of Persons of German Extraction, November 30, 1942 (
VBl.GG
[1942]: 739). For a detailed account of the
Volksdeutsche
and
Deutschstämmige
in the General Government, cf. Broszat, “Erfassung und Rechtsstellung von Volksdeutschen und Deutschstämmigen im GG,” 243–60.

23.
Monthly report of the district governor of Warsaw, December 10, 1942 (Institute for Western Studies, Pozna
, doc. I-10, 94; excerpts in
Doc. Occ.
6:199 ff.); insofar as they were resettled in the Reich, they were treated in accordance with the regulations applying to persons “capable of re-Germanization” (Reich minister of the interior RFSS/RKF, May 26, 1944, reproduced in
Doc. Occ.
6:202 ff.).

Part One. Section 3. C. VI. Marriage Law

1.
Cf. “Diensttagebuch,” 1940, vol. 2, May 31, 1940 (551): “In the governor general’s view, central to settling this question is whether there are objections to such marriages (between Germans and Ukrainians) from the racial standpoint. Where this is not the case, he would not be opposed. The same would of course apply to the marriage of Germans to Polish women. It goes without saying that any German marrying a Polish woman would not be allowed to stay in the General Government.”

2.
Letter from the head of the Governor General’s Office (Bühler) and the department heads and district chiefs, October 11, 1940 (quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:380 f.).

3.
Nuremberg doc., NO-3592.

4.
Cf. decree issued by the chief of the SS Central Office for Race and Settlement, with headquarters in Prague, August 6, 1944 (Nuremberg doc., NO-3295).

Part One. Section 3. C. VII. Public Health

1.
Sec. 3, par. 3, Third Decree on the Development of the Administration in the Government General, March 16, 1941 (
VBl.GG
[1941]: 99), administrative instruction no. 1, April 7, 1941, no. I B (Weh,
Übersicht über das Recht des Generalgouvernements
[1943], A 122 a), and decree of January 20, 1943 (
VBl.GG
[1943]: 43; Weh,
Übersicht über das Recht des Generalgouvernements
[1943], B 500). On the health service in the General Government, see detailed account in K. M. Pospieszalski, “Słu
ba zdrowia,”
Doc. Occ.
6:99, with numerous examples; on the organization of the health service, cf. Decree on the Establishment of the Chamber of Health in the General Government, February 28, 1940 (
VBl.GG
1 [1940]: 89).

2.
For example, the hunting down of people with venereal diseases, of whom there were supposed to be many in the General Government. According to details given by the head of the Health Department on January 11, 1940, 6% of the adult population in the General Government were not fit for work as a result of venereal disease, a rate that was ten times higher than in the Reich. For Poles, in the first months, the disease did not have to be reported (“Diensttagebuch,” 1:54). Compulsory reporting, however, was introduced by means of a decree issued on January 22, 1940 (
VBl.GG
1 [1940]: 81 f.), and the medical officers were empowered to enforce treatment where necessary; the decree prohibited any “activities capable of causing infection” until such time as the patient was healed, in particular “engaging in coitus,” under penalty of penitential sentence; if a German became infected through coitus, there was the additional threat of the death penalty. As early as November 18, 1939,
Kreis
medical officers were asked, as representatives of the Medical Association, to report such people (instruction, Department of Health, November 18, 1939, ZS, Versch. 104, Bl. 534).

3.
However, according to Governor General Frank: “Taking a long perspective, it is impossible that medical training should cease” (“Diensttagebuch,” February 26, 1940). See also his notes on a discussion with Hitler: “I … emphasized the necessity of developing a minimal training program … [the Führer] replied, with the witty observation that he would like to recommend his own physcian, Dr. Brandt, to head the training program for these Polish doctors” (“Diensttagebuch,” February 6, 1944, quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:299 n. 129).

4.
According to the details given in “Diensttagebuch,” 1940, vol. 3, September 6, 1940, in September 1940 there were 8,000 Polish and Ukrainian physicians and only about 50 German doctors working in the General Government (quoted from
Doc. Occ.
6:299, 299 n. 128). For further details, see
Doc. Occ.
6:300 n. 132.

5.
Expert report, Dr. J. Owsi
sky, January 17, 1948, in the Bühler trial (ZS, Ordner 21).

6.
Said to have been carried out by the head of the Department of Health in person (expert report, ibid.).

7.
Statement, Dr. Biberstein, January 20, 1948 (ibid.). According to this statement, they were plundered of everything, right down to bedsheets; cf. also Dr. Olbrycht (ZS, Versch. 17, 310 ff.) and statement, Dr. Nüssenfeld, January 20, 1948 (ibid.). Nüssenfeld was senior physician in the Jewish hospital in the Kraków Ghetto; cf. also remark by Dr. Olbrycht (ibid.).