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Had Lock apologised Nelson may have let the matter drop, but instead he determined to pursue the question all the way to the Victualling Board in London. Realising what he had done, Lock called on his family to protect him from the consequences of his own arrogance. His defence, having no basis in fact, or law, relied on slanderous accusations aimed at Emma, Nelson and Sir William.
100
His exculpatory letters were the basis for the ‘Black Legend’ of Naples. Lock stayed behind after Hamilton was replaced by Lord Arthur Paget – another young man in a hurry who was overly fond of his own opinions.
Paget listened while Lock poured vitriol into his ear. With such advice, Paget quickly alienated the court by his blunt and dictatorial manner, while blaming Sir William and Emma for his failings.
101

Nelson may have overreacted to the stupidity of the Consul, but he was, as he had shown back in the 1780s, acutely conscious of his own dignity as an officer of the Crown, and of the need to ensure proper control of naval contracts. What would have sparked his ire even more than the arrogance of a young fool was the imputation that he, his captains, or the pursers, most of them veterans of the Battle of the Nile, were corrupt. A few days after Lock had impugned the honesty of his squadron, Nelson received a tribute of gratitude from Ferdinand, who well knew who had put him back on his throne. The King awarded him the Dukedom of Bronte, which included a Sicilian estate valued at £3,000 a year. The contrast between this token of royal esteem and the niggardly reward offered by his own country, especially the failure to do anything for Maurice, was not lost on him. For the rest of his life he would sign himself with some combination of the names Nelson and Bronte, and although the estate never produced much money, it was a real token of his achievements in the Sicilian cause. It was accompanied by a diamond-hiked sword, given by Louis XIV to his grandson Philip V of Spain, and passed on to Ferdinand with his Kingdom. Nelson received it as the Kingdom’s saviour.
102

The rest of August was dedicated to securing the stores required to refit the squadron and once more shifting his forces around theatre. He sent newly recovered Neapolitan galliots to support the squadron off Genoa, and demanded that Oushakov return the
Leander
, recovered at the fall of Corfu.
103
Nelson believed it high time the Russians and Turks used their fleets in the western basin. With the Russian hero Suvarov rampaging across Northern Italy, surely his countrymen were his best supporters? Troubridge could hand over at Naples and Leghorn when these unlikely allies arrived to concentrate off Mahon. Both Duckworth at Minorca and the force in the Straits were reinforced: the latter would blockade Cadiz and secure the oceanic trade beyond the Straits, a subject on which he was ‘exceedingly anxious’ to oblige the merchant community. Nelson had no fear for Minorca while the British fleet was in the Mediterranean.
104
Because Niza’s Portuguese squadron would be adequate off Malta, Nelson persuaded Ferdinand to grant Ball the chief position ashore as Maltese leader. In this rank Ball could cooperate with Niza as an equal, rather than stay
afloat as his ranking subordinate. This typical piece of forethought and finesse avoided inefficiency or offence.
105

As if to confirm the talent of the temporary Commander in Chief, his new dispositions were adopted just as Admiralty sent almost identical orders.
106
After an apprenticeship of six years Nelson was ready to assume Hood’s role as strategic director of the theatre, while drawing on St Vincent’s approach to fleet support and discipline. The departure of the old Earl had broken the last link with his previous career, and no one else had the professional standing to direct his movements: it was not rank but ability that he followed.

However, the Admiralty had criticised Nelson’s landing of marines and seamen for the operations at Naples and Capua, and issued a rebuke for his deliberate refusal of Keith’s order to protect Minorca. His dilemma was simple: ‘My conduct is measured by the Admiralty by the narrow rule of law, when I think it should be measured that of common sense.’ Keith’s orders would, if obeyed, have lost Naples.
107
Although Acton kept telling him he was the key to the salvation of Italy, he was disgusted by the failure of the Neapolitans to act up to their words: ‘I will retire from this inactive service’.
108
He remained convinced the Austrian Chancellor Thugut was undermining the Neapolitans, and ‘our English King of Naples’.
109
This may have been the Queen’s opinion, but it was not wrong. The Austrian Chancellor saw the 1799 campaign as an opportunity to advance the Viennese empire in Italy, at the expense of the French, the Pope and the Bourbons, with the Russians doing most of the fighting. This policy had influenced his timing of the declaration of war and the direction of the allied advance. Ultimately it ruptured the coalition, leading to the withdrawal of the Russians. Such petty pilfering of principalities would be the downfall of the Emperor and his chancellor. The reward of their duplicity came with utter defeat at Hohenlinden in 1801.

Nelson knew such attitudes had ruined too many Mediterranean campaigns. The British cleared the seas only for their allies to fritter away the fruits of victory on internal disputes. He could see that naval warfare had to be made more effective – that Britain might wage war alone, secure the seas and sustain her trade. Only the largest measures, executed in complete harmony, stood a chance against the French. However, his clear-sighted approach was shared neither by Britain’s shaky and procrastinating allies, nor by Nelson’s petty-minded and conventional masters in London.

Notes –
CHAPTER IX
 

1
Barry Unsworth’s
Losing
Nelson
confronts this issue with imagination. The scale of the debate should not disguise the poverty of hard evidence. The case against Nelson would not stand in a court of law, being wholly based on hearsay and innuendo.

2
Touchette, L-A. ‘Sir William Hamilton’s “Pantomime Mistress”: Emma Hamilton and Her Attitudes.’ In Hornsby, C. ed.
The
Impact
of
Italy;
The
Grand
Tour
and
Beyond
, London, 2000, pp. 123–46: an excellent illustrated account of her art.

3
Winifred Guerin’s account in
Horatia
Nelson
, Oxford, 1981, is the most hostile on this score.

4
Hamilton to Nelson 8.9.1798; Nicolas III pp. 71–2

5
Hamilton to Nelson 1.8.1798; Morrison, A.
The
Hamilton
and
Nelson
Papers.
Volume
II
. London 1894 privately printed pp. 15–17

6
Acton to Nelson 9.9.1798; Nicolas III p. 118. Nelson to Spencer 16.9.1799; Nicolas III pp. 126–7

7
Paret and Moran eds.
Carl
von
Clausewitz:
Historical
and
Political
Writings
, p. 246 as quoted in Gooch, J. The Politics of Strategy’,
War
in
History
4 (2003), p. 424

8
Rodger,
The
War
of
the
Second
Coalition,
1798
to
1801:
A
Strategic
Commentary
is the leading source for this analysis. It has been widely, and uncritically adopted.

9
Nelson to Father 25.9.1798; Nicolas III p. 131

10
Nelson to St Vincent 27.9.1798; Nicolas III p. 132

11
St Vincent to Nelson 27.9.1798; Nicolas III pp. 84–5

12
Admiralty to St Vincent 3.10.1798; Nicolas III pp. 143–4

13
Nelson to Captain Hood 13.9.1798; Nicolas III pp. 121–2

14
Nelson to St Vincent 30.9.1799; Nicolas III p. 138

15
Nelson to St Vincent 4.10.1798; Nicolas VII p. clxiv

16
Nelson to Pitt 4.10.1798; PRO 30/8/367 ff. 42–3

17
Nelson to St Vincent 4.10.1798; Nicolas VII clxiv

18
Nelson to Spencer 9.10.1798; Nicolas III pp. 146–7

19
Hamilton to Nelson 16.10.1798. Morrison II. pp. 23–4. Nelson to St Vincent 22.10.1798; Nicolas III pp. 150–1

20
Testa, C.
The
French
in
Malta
1798

1800
. Valletta 1997

21
Nelson to St Vincent 7.11.1798; Nicolas III p. 166

22
Mackesy,
Statesmen
at
War:
The
Strategy
of
Overthrow
1798
–17
99
. London pp. 54–6

23
Nelson to St Vincent 30–31.12.1798: Nicolas pp. 213–15

24
Nelson to Spencer 1.1.1799; Nicolas III pp. 217–18

25
Nelson to Pitt 4.10.1799; PRO 30/8/367 ff. 42–3

26
Nelson to Wife 17.1.1799; Naish pp. 480–1

27
Acton, H.
The
Bourbons
of
Naples
. London 1956 pp. 314–334. While Acton dismisses the pro-Jacobin effusions of the Neapolitan historians, he goes on to mistake the role of Nelson and the Hamiltons on very limited evidence.

28
Nelson to General Sir Charles Stuart 7.1.1799; Nicolas III pp. 227–8

29
Acton, pp. 337–8.

30
Nelson to Howe 8.1.1799; Nicolas III pp. 230–1

31
Walker pp. 88–90

32
Nelson to St Vincent 17.1.1799: Nicolas VII p. clxx. Nelson to Minto 19.1.1799: Nicolas III pp 235–690

33
Nelson to Ball 21.1.1799; Nicolas III pp. 236–8

34
Nelson to St Vincent 1.2.1799; Nicolas III p. 239

35
Nelson to Lady Parker 1.2.1799; Nicolas III pp. 248–9. Nelson to Davison 2.2.1799; Nicolas VII p. clxxii

36
Nelson to St Vincent 1, 2 and 3.2.1799; Nelson to Ball 4.2.1799; Nelson to Acton 2.2.1799; Nelson to Niza 1.2.1799; Nicolas III pp. 249–56

37
Nelson to Commissioner Coffin at Port Mahon 5.2.1799; Nicolas III p. 258

38
Nelson to Spencer 17.2.1799; Nicolas VII p. clxxv. Nelson to Stuart 16.2.1799; Nelson to Troubridge 18.2.1799; Nicolas III pp. 267–9

39
Nelson to Spencer 7.2.1799; Nicolas VII p. clxxii

40
Nelson to Ball 28.2.1799; Nicolas III pp. 272–3

41
Nelson to Ball 8.3.1799; Nicolas III pp. 286–7

42
Nelson to St Vincent 20.3.1799; Nicolas III pp. 297–9

43
Nelson to Oushakov 23.3.1799; Nicolas II p. 304

44
Nelson to St Vincent 20.3.1799; Nicolas III pp. 297–9

45
Lloyd, C. ed.
The
Keith
Papers
II
. London, Navy Records Society 1950. pp. 36–51

46
King to Ruffo 11.4.1799; Gutteridge, ed.
Nelson
and
the
Neapolitan
Jacobins,
pp. 38–41

47
King to Ruffo. 1.5.1799; Gutteridge p. 45

48
Nelson to Troubridge 30.3.1799; Nicolas III p. 310

49
Nelson to Ball 9.4.1799; Nicolas III p. 319

50
Nelson to Spencer 6.4.1799; Nicolas VII pp. clxxvii–iii

51
Hamilton to Charles Greville 8.4.1799; Morrison II pp. 40–1

52
Mackesy, p. 98 is a typical modern example.

53
Lord Keith to Sister 19.4.1799; Keith II p. 37. Typically this is a piece of second-hand reportage, based on an unknown source, by someone who had not met Nelson for a year.

54
Nelson to St Vincent 8.3.1799: Nicolas III pp. 285–6

55
Nelson to Ball 21.4.1799; Nicolas III pp. 332–3

56
Nelson to Troubridge 25.4. and to Stuart 28.4.1799; Nicolas III pp. 333–7

57
Nelson to St Vincent 9.5.1799; Nicolas VII clxxxi

58
De la Gravi
è
re,
Sketches
of
the
Last
Naval
War
. London 1848, Vol. I pp. 224–31

59
Rodger,
The
War
of
the
Second
Coalition
1798
to
1801;
A
Strategic
Commentary
is widely cited, but repeats several important errors, and adds a few new ones. Rodger underrates the importance of Naples and Sicily, while over-valuing Minorca and Malta.

60
St Vincent to Nelson 6.5.1799; Gutteridge p. xxxvii

61
Nelson to various 12.5.1799; Nicolas III pp. 352–4

62
Nelson to St Vincent 28.5.1799; Nicolas III p. 367

63
Nelson to St Vincent 23.5.1799; Nicolas III pp. 364–5

64
Hallowell to Nelson 23.5.1799; in Beresford, Lord C. and Wilson, H. W.
Nelson
and
his
Times
1897 p. 123

65
Lambert, ‘Cornwallis’

66
Nelson to Emma 22 and 24.5.1799; Nicolas VII p. clxxxiii

67
Nelson to Wife 24.5.1799; Naish p. 484

68
Nelson to Emma 19.5.1799; Nicolas III p. 362

69
Nelson to St Vincent 30.5.1799; Nicolas III pp. 368–9

70
Foote to Nelson 28.5.1799; Nicolas III p. 360

71
Nelson to Wife 5.6.1799; Naish p. 485

Nelson to St Vincent 5.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 374–5

72
Nelson to St Vincent 6.6.1799; Nicolas VII p. clxxxiv.

73
Nelson to St Vincent 10 and 12.6.1799; St Vincent to Nelson 11.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 377–9

74
Keith to Sister 30.3.1799;
Keith
II
pp. 36–7. On the evidence of this letter Keith was a better judge of service politics than enemy intentions.

75
Collingwood reports that Keith was in sight of the enemy before he abandoned the chase to secure Minorca. Collingwood to Edward Collingwood 17.8.1799; Duffy, M. ed.
The
Naval
Miscellany
VI
. Aldershot 2003 pp. 168–9

76
Keith to Nelson 6.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 379–80

77
Nelson to Keith 16.6.1799, and to St Vincent 16.6. and to Wife 17.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 379–81 and Naish pp. 485–6

78
Nelson to Hamilton 21.6.1799; Gutteridge p. 144

79
Nelson to Keith 27.6.1799; Gutteridge p. 264

80
Acton to Hamilton 19 and 20.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 391–2. Nelson to Magra 20.6.1799; 6c to Hamilton 20.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 382–3 and VII p. clxxxv.

81
Nelson to Keith 27.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 390–2

82
Nelson to Duckworth 21.6.1799; Nicolas III p. 384

83
Nelson to Admiralty 27.6.1799; Nicolas III p. 389

84
Gutteridge p. xci

85
Pakenham, T.
The
Year
of
Liberty
London 1969 p. 327

86
Nelson to Acton 29.6.1799; Gutteridge p. 279

87
Queen to Ruffo 17.5. and 19.6.1799; Gutteridge pp. 55 and 135. King to Ruffo 20.6.1799; Gutteridge p. 141

88
Nelson to Troubridge 26.6.1799; Nicolas III pp. 388–9

89
Acton to Nelson 30.6 and 2.7.1799; Croker MS, NMM CRK/17.

90
Acton p.409.

91
Nelson to Hood 4.7.1799; Nelson to Keith 13.7.1799; Nicolas III p. 400, 403–4

92
Nelson to Spencer 13.7.1799; Nicolas III pp. 406–7

93
Nelson to Keith 13.7.1799; Nicolas III pp. 407–8

94
Keith to Nelson 9.7.1799; Nelson to Keith and Admiralty 19.7.1799; Nicolas III pp. 414–16. Nelson to Spencer 19.7.1799; Nicolas VII pp. clxxxv–vi

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