Myanmar's Long Road to National Reconciliation (52 page)

In recent years, the going has become rough, and the ride in the Ford Popular, to put it kindly, has not been comfortable. The passengers in the
back seat are often dazed and bruised by constant buffeting and being bounced around in their seats. Not much imagination is needed to figure out the problem, and any taxi driver will confirm for us, that this problem has to do with the shock-absorbers which, due to overuse, abuse, and neglect over all these years, have ceased to function. In addition, the whole suspension assembly has fallen apart, as it has outlived its useful economic life by several decades. A cursory glance through the window reveals that the road is full of pot-holes and strewn with boulders. Besides, we are running out of gas. While we are making the best of a bad situation and suffering in silence, we are told that the ride, in fact, is as smooth as silk. This is self-deception. It is clear that while this delusion is being imposed on us, no amount of foreign assistance, or anything else, will help to overcome the ills that most people believe are afflicting the nation.

Our unease heightened when Dr Maung Maung, the last president of the country under the previous regime, in assessing the outcome of Burma Socialist Programme Party’s stewardship of the nation and the economic consequences of the
Burmese Way to Socialism,
made the following observations:

As I have written earlier, we were all to blame. We failed. We had our opportunity to make Myanmar into a land of peace and plenty, but we made a mess of that opportunity. But much of the failure was in omission — in pretending everything was alright, in making false reports and saying sweet words, knowing full well all the time that things were going wrong.

One of our failures lies in the Myanmar habit of
arnade,
a word that seems to have no equivalent in other languages: feeling bad about hurting or embarrassing people, shyness or backwardness, resulting in reticence. To a degree it is a good habit, for it makes for consideration for others and civility for which the Myanmar people are deservedly famous. However, in its name many sins of omission are also committed. What should be said goes unsaid; what should be done is left undone. Lack of moral courage can be disguised under its cloak.

A feeling of fatalism, or karma, of whatever will be will be can also be added to
arnade,
which is probably a typical Myanmar trait. ... Thus, feelings are pent up — irritations, frustrations, anger. Over the years they gather into a storm.
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Many Burmese would probably have reservations with regard to Dr Maung Maung’s interpretation and analysis of the circumstances leading to, and the events that took place, in the 1988 upheaval in Myanmar. However, his remarks about the sins of omission and his suggestion that we were all to be blamed for the mess and the failure to make Myanmar into a land of peace and plenty should be given further thought and consideration by the people of Myanmar, although with a qualification. The qualification has to do with the fact that Dr Maung Maung might also have mentioned that the regime, with which he had long been associated, does not take kindly to expression of views at variance with its own. The airing of opinions that diverge from the official line is looked upon as unpatriotic and traitorous, or worse, and as deserving of punishment appropriate for such seditious behaviour. This factor, in combination with Burmese feelings of
arnade
and the preoccupation with karma, has contributed to the reluctance of the people of Myanmar to act in accord with the dictates of their conscience and to express views in a free and frank manner, even though they also knew full well, all the time, that things were going wrong and the situation was just the opposite of what the official rhetoric expected them to believe. They see little alternative other than to let Dr Maung Maung pretend that, as in the well-known fable of our childhood days, the emperor’s new clothes were of the finest material and the top of fashion in the realm. The era, of course, had its dissenting voices, but these were few and far between, voices in the wilderness, which were harshly silenced — until 1988 when the storm broke.

Dr Maung Maung’s comment about “what should be said goes unsaid; what should be done is left undone” is a matter that has bothered me over the years. I believe that members of the economic profession, to which I belong, have greater responsibility than others to draw attention to misconceived ideas and flawed policies that in the past have led the country down the road to ruin, so that future generations do not think too unkindly of us. The predicament is far worse for those members of the profession who act as advisors to governments. For example, the economist Ashok V. Desai, on reflecting upon his short stint as advisor to the Government of India, noted that:

... an economic advisor’s job is to tell it as it is and advise as he sees right. But the basic instinct of the government is political survival. To tell it as it is would be treason if the facts give ammunition to the opposition, and to advise what the government should but cannot do would point to its impotence.
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The Burmese people, like people all over the world, believe things can be better. But it has to be realized that no society can get something for nothing. Bringing about change for the better involves costs and sacrifices. Thinking unpleasant thoughts, and saying and doing things that may not please everybody, form an element of this cost. But it should not be an unbearable cost, or a binding constraint. Because the alternative course of action — to say nothing, do nothing, and to put on one’s best face and pretend with the powers that be, that everything is fine, although burning with anger and frustration inside — has high costs and will lead to disastrous consequences, as is elaborated in Dr Maung Maung’s book.

I make no pretence at having any special insight into the Burmese national character, culture, or traditions. However, Myanmar is primarily a Buddhist country, and as far as I am aware, humility, compassion, understanding, tolerance, forgiveness, gentleness, compromise, conciliation, moderation, and pursuit of truth and reason are virtues that a Buddhist is expected to hold dear. Regretfully, not much of these are in evidence these days. I believe we would gain a lot of domestic as well as international prestige and recognition if the fundamental precepts of our religion were more appropriately reflected in the conduct of our national affairs, and not confined to the performance of rituals and merit-making deeds that are steeped in our customs and beliefs. I also believe that the people of Myanmar must try harder to be more forthcoming and to put forward independent thoughts and ideas, not in anger or frustration or to criticize or to blame, but as good Buddhists in the pursuit of truth and reason, in moderation, and in an objective and tolerant way, so that better results can be achieved in the efforts currently under way to establish a modern developed nation.

A Buddhist monk from Myanmar is said to have observed:

[T]he truth is, those pro-democracy people abroad and the Western governments have their own fantasy as to what things should be like in Myanmar. They probably even have a fantasy as to what things are like in Myanmar now. Thus, when they look at Myanmar, it is always from their perspective. They don’t pay attention to what we really want and how we want things to be. We have become the victims of their fantasies.
⁶

A very perceptive monk. He will probably agree that pro-democracy people abroad and Western governments are not the only ones fantasizing
about the Burmese condition. The powers that be in the country also have their own fantasies about Myanmar. Such fantasies cover not only what things are like in the country now, but also how things have been in the past and how things will be in the future. So, in addition to becoming victims of foreign fantasies, there is the more worrisome prospect of Burmese becoming victims of their own fantasies.

It would be nice if foreign assistance could provide us with a new car — not necessarily with a Pajero 2004 model; we would be quite content to receive a good second-hand and properly reconditioned Toyota Mark II 1994 model, preferably with air-conditioning, to ease our current discomfort. Unfortunately, this is unlikely to happen. I suspect that there is nothing particularly appealing about the condition of our roads and our driving ability for donors to entrust us with a new car, especially if one also considers the outcry from their constituencies that such a move would probably generate. So, for the foreseeable future, we are stuck with our Ford Popular.

For foreign assistance to help us, and for that matter, for us to help ourselves, we must be honest with ourselves. And the first thing that is required for greater honesty will be to make a frank and objective assessment of where we are at present in the road race, as well as to make a thorough inspection of the car to ensure its roadworthiness to convey us to the promised land. A good start in this regard could be made by a formal official admission and public declaration of a fact that everyone in the country knows, and the whole world knows: namely, that the economy of Myanmar is not in good shape and that it needs to be fixed.

This is not asking for the moon. Singapore, for example, is saying that for it to survive in the twenty-first century, it will have to reinvent itself. Japan recognizes that its economy has been in a mess, and the present prime minister came to power on the strength of a promise to get the country out of the mess by undertaking the necessary economic and political reforms. Even the prime minister of China noted that despite the country’s impressive economic achievements, sixty million people in the rural areas of the country still “live in extreme poverty with insufficient food and clothing”, and he further recommended that “leading officials
must go to the grass roots, among the peasants and workers and understand what the masses are thinking, their concerns, their difficulties and what problems they want solved.”
⁷

Incompetence, mismanagement, corruption, poor governance, and lack of transparency and accountability that have proved disastrous for other economies have also become a cause for serious concern among many of Myanmar’s neighbours. After the shock of the 1997 Asian financial and economic crisis, a lot of soul-searching has been going on in these countries concerning why things went wrong and how they might be put right in the years ahead. Hence, it is an opportune time for Myanmar to “let it all hang out”, get over its “emperor’s new clothes” syndrome and other hang-ups, and declare to its people and to the world: “Like others in the region, our economy is also in a mess and it needs to be fixed.”

Once an official admission and declaration is made on the need to fix the economy, the next step will be to come forward with some workable ideas and proposals with respect to what exactly are the things that need fixing and how to go about fixing them. For present day Myanmar, this should not be too difficult. But before we embark on such a task three conditions are essential and must be fulfilled:

•   First, there must be a clearly expressed desire and mandate from the powers that be that they would like to have a frank and objective review and analysis of what ails the economy, and that they would welcome practical recommendations and proposals for what can and should be done to address the difficulties;

•   Second, the authorities must give assurance that they will give serious consideration to the recommended proposals, measures, and courses of action;

•   Third, after careful review of the proposals, the authorities must agree to take concrete action and must guarantee that they will marshal the required political will and commitment to implement the recommended measures, to the extent that resources and capacities in the country permit.

The Burmese people, both within the country and abroad, can be counted on to respond favourably to such an approach. If the authorities were to grant them the mandate and give them the sort of assurances mentioned above, they would almost certainly come forward with many proposals and ideas of their own. Many people in the country have lived with the Ford Popular most of their lives, they are familiar with it, and are thus well placed to point out its shortcomings and to recommend remedial action. This is something they have been doing all the time anyway, in their private thoughts and conversations.

It may be desirable to begin by fixing the dials, gauges, and meters on the instrument panel that are not functioning properly. The speedometer looks particularly suspicious. We know from experience that a car of this vintage cannot be speeding along at the rate the speedometer seems to be showing. If it does, there is danger of the engine overheating. Unfortunately, the thermostat has broken down, so there is no device to warn us of this danger. In the meantime, someone has covered up the fuel gauge with a piece of paper. Maybe it would prove embarrassing if passengers in the back seat notice that the gas tank is empty and the car is running on its emergency fuel reserves. To add to our woes, the mileage indicator got stuck several years ago. So, although we are aware the car is in motion,
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we are unsure of the direction it is heading, have no clear idea of the distance that has been covered, and are mostly in the dark as regards the miles we have to go and the years we must put up with to reach the finish line. This is not a good situation for any participant in a race to be in. Hence, fixing the dials and gauges and improving the quality and availability of our statistical indicators, data, and information seems like one area that deserves priority attention at the present time. It also appears to be an area that holds high promise for foreign aid, and technical assistance in particular, to have a significant impact.