Read Modern Mind: An Intellectual History of the 20th Century Online
Authors: Peter Watson
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103.
Paul Johnson, A History of the Modem World, Op. cit., page 247.
104.
Michael Mannheim (editor),
The Cambridge Companion to Eugene O’Neill,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, page 1.
105.
Louis Shaeffer,
O’Neill: Son and Playwright,
London: J. M. Dent, 1969, pages 69–70.
106.
Stephen Black, ‘Cell of Loss’, in Mannheim (editor),
Op. cit.,
pages 4–12. Shaeffer,
Op. cit.,
page 174.
107.
Normand Berlin, ‘The Late Plays’, in Mannheim (editor),
Op. cit.,
pages 82ff.
108.
O’Neill said Hope’s was based on three places ‘I actually lived in.’ See: Arthur and Barbara Gelb,
O’Neill,
London: Jonathan Cape, 1962, page 296.
109.
This is a post-Darwinian vision but O’Neill also admitted to being influenced by Jung. See: Egil Törnqvist, ‘O’Neill’s philosophical and literary paragons,’ in Mannheim (editor),
Op. cit.,
page 22.
110.
Shaeffer, Op.
cit.,
page 514. See Mannheim, Op.
cit.,
page 85, for the point about ‘waiting for Hickey.’
111.
David Morse, ‘American Theatre: The Age of O’Neill,’ in Marcus Cunliffe (editor),
American Literature since 1900,
London: Sphere, 1975; Penguin edition 1993, page 77.
112.
Berlin,
Op. cit.,
page 90.
113.
According to Shaeffer, Op.
cit.,
page 510 ff, this is the least autobiographical part of the play. O’Neill made the Tyrone setting far more claustrophobic than was the case with the O’Neills themselves, who went out for meals.
114.
See Arthur and Barbara Gelb,
O’Neill, Op. cit.,
page 93. Berlin,
Op. cit.,
page 91.
115.
Berlin, Op.
cit.,
page 89.
116.
Alfred Kazin, On Native Grounds, Op. cit., page 485.
117.
Ibid.,
page 295 for the reference to Van Wyck Brooks, 352 for Dos Passos and 442 for the ‘tragicomic climax’.
118.
Ibid.,
page 404.
119.
Ibid.,
page 488.
120.
Simon Callow,
Orson Welles: The Road to Xanadu,
London: Jonathan Cape, 1995, page xi.
121.
Ibid.,
page 521.
122.
Frank Brady,
Citizen Welles,
London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1990, pages 309–310.
123.
Callow,
Op. cit.,
page 570.
1.
Stephanie Barron, Exiles and Emigrés, Op. cit., pages 136–137.
2.
Ibid.,
pages 16–18.
3.
Ibid.,
page 14.
4.
Laura Fermi, Ilustrious Immigrants, Op cit., pages 66–68.
5.
Jarrel C. Jackman and Carla M. Borden,
The Muses Flee Hitler, Op. cit.,
page 218.
6.
Ibid.,
page 219.
7.
Ibid.,
pages 206–207.
8.
Ibid.,
pages 208–226.
9.
Barron,
Exiles and Emigrés, Op. cit.,
page 19. See also Lewis A. Coser,
Refugee Scholars in America: Their Impact and Their Experiences,
New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984, has entire chapters on, among others: Kurt Lewin, Erik Erikson, Wilhelm Reich, Bruno Bettelheim, Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Paul Lazarsfeld, Ludwig von Mieses, Karl Polanyi, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Mann, Vladimir Nabokov, Roman Jakobson, Erwin Panofsky, Hajo Holborn, Rudolf Carnap and Paul Tillich.
10.
Elisabeth Kessin Berman, ‘Moral Triage or Cultural Salvage? The Agendas of Varian Fry and the Emergency Rescue Committee,’ in Barron,
Exiles and Emigrés, Op. cit.,
pages 99–112.
11.
Varian Fry,
Surrender on Demand,
New York: Random House, 1945, page 157. Jackman and Borden, Op.
cit.,
page 89.
12.
Fry, Op.
cit.,
pages 189–191.
13.
Martica Swain, Surrealism in Exile and the Beginnings of the New York School, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1995, pages 124–126.
14.
Jackman and Borden, Op.
cit.,
page 90.
15.
Coser,
Op. cit.,
‘The New School for Social Research: A Collective Portrait,’ pages 102–109.
16.
Ian Hamilton (editor), The Oxford Companion to Twentieth-Century Poetry, Op. cit., pages 51–52.
17.
Barron, Exiles and Emigrés, Op. cit., page 187.
18.
Ibid., pages 190ff.
19.
Jackman and Borden, Op.
cit.,
pages 140–141.
20.
Ibid.,
pages 142–143.
21.
Ehrhard Bahr,
Literary Weimar in Exile: German Literature in Los Angeles, 1940–1958,
in Ehrhard Bahr and Carolyn See,
Literary Exiles and Refugees in Los Angeles,
William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California at Los Angeles, 1988. Bahr argues that the German writers never fully assimilated in L. A., always keeping their eyes on Germany.
22.
Barron, Exiles and Emigrés, Op. cit., pages 358— 359.
23.
Ibid., page 341.
24.
Bernard Taper,
Balanchine,
New York: Times Books, 1984, pages 147ff.
25.
Ibid.,
page 148.
26.
Richard Buckle,
George Balanchine: Ballet Master: A Biography,
London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988, pages 61ff.
27.
Taper,
Op. cit.,
page 149.
28.
Lincoln Kirstein,
Mosaic: Memoirs,
New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1994, page 23.
29.
Taper, Op.
cit.,
page 151.
30.
Buckle, Op.
cit.,
page 66, says the first meeting was at the Savoy, the second at the Chelsea home of Kirk Askew.
31.
Kirstein, Op.
cit.,
pages 247–249.
32.
Taper, Op.
cit.,
page 151.
33.
Ibid.,
page 153.
34.
Ibid.,
page 154.
35.
Buckle,
Op. cit.,
page 88.
36.
Taper, Op.
cit.,
page 156.
37.
Ibid.,
page 157.
38.
Ibid.
39.
Buckle, Op.
cit.,
page 88.
40.
Taper,
Op. cit.,
page 160.
41.
Various authors,
The Cultural Migration: The European Scholar in America,
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1953. Tillich reference: page 155.
1.
Andrew Hodges,
Alan Turing: The Enigma,
London: Burnett Books, in association with Hutchinson, 1983, Vintage paperback, 1992, pages 160ff.
2.
I. J. Good, ‘Pioneering work on computers at Bletchley,’ in N. Metropolis, J. Howlett and Giancarlo Rota (editors),
A History of Computing in the Twentieth Century,
New York and London: Academic Press, 1980, page 33 for others who arrived at Bletchley at much the same time.
3.
Hodges, Op.
cit.,
page 160.
4.
Paul Strathern,
Turing and the Computer,
London: Arrow, 1997, page 59.
5.
Good, Op.
cit.,
pages 35 and 36 for excellent photographs of Enigma. For the latest account of the way the Enigma codes were broken, and the vital contribution of Harry Hinsley, using recently declassified documents, see: Hugh Sebag-Monte-fiore,
Enigma: The Battle for the Code,
London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2000.
6.
Hodges, Op.
cit.,
page 86.
7.
Strathern, Op.
cit.,
pages 46–47.
8.
Hodges,
Op. cit.,
pages 96–101 for the link between rational and computable numbers. See also: Strathern,
Op. cit.,
page 48.
9.
Strathern, Op.
cit.,
pages 49–50.
10.
S. M. Ulam, ‘Von Neumann: The Interreaction of Mathematics and Computers,’ in Metropolis
et al.
(editors),
Op. cit.,
pages 95ff.
11.
Strathern, Op.
cit.,
pages 51–52.
12.
Ibid.,
pages 55–56.
13.
Ibid.,
pages 57–59.
14.
Turing also knew who to take advice from. See: Wladyslaw Kozoczuh,
Enigma,
London: Arms & Armour Press, 1984, page 96 on the role of the Poles.
15.
At times the messages were not in real German. This was an early problem solved. See: R. V Jones,
Most Secret War,
London: Hamish Hamilton, 1978, page 63.
16.
Good,
Op. cit.,
pages 40–41.
17.
Hodges, Op.
cit.,
page 277.
18.
B. Randall, ‘The Colossus’, in Metropolis
et al.
(editors), Op.
cit.,
pages 47ft for the many others who collaborated on Colossus. See Hodges,
Op. cit.,
between pages 268 and 269 for photographs.
19.
Strathern, Op.
cit.,
page 63–64.
20.
See Randall, Op.
cit.,
pages 77–80 for an assessment of Turing and the ‘fog’ that still hangs over his wartime meeting with Von Neumann.
21.
Hodges, Op.
cit.,
page 247.
22.
Strathern, Op.
cit.,
page 66.
23.
See John Haugeland,
Artificial Intelligence: The Very Idea,
Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1985, pages 261–263 for an exact chronology.
24.
Hodges, Op
cit.,
pages 311–312.
25.
Guy Hartcup, The Challenge of War: Scientific and Engineering Contributions to World War Two, Exeter: David & Charles, 1970, pages 17ff.
26.
Ibid.,
page 94.
27.
Ibid.,
pages 96–97.
28.
Ibid.,
page 91. For German progress, and some shortcomings of radar, see: Alfred Price,
Instruments of Darkness,
London: William Kimber, 1967,
circa
pages 40–45; and David Pritchard,
The Radar War,
London: Patrick Stephens, 1989, especially pages 8off.
29.
Hartcup, Op. cit., page 91, but for a detailed chronology, see: Jack Gough, Watching the Skies: A History of Ground Radar for the Air Defence of the United Kingdom by the RAF from 1946 to 1975, London: HMSO, 1993, pages 8–12.
30.
Hartcup, Op.
cit.,
pages 90 and 107.
31.
Ronald W. Clark,
The Life of Ernst Chain: Penicillin and Beyond,
New York: St Martin’s Press, 1985, pages 47ff. Weatherall,
In Search of a Cure, Op. cit.,
pages 174–175.
32.
Gwyn Macfarlane,
Alexander Fleming: The Man and the Myth,
London: Chatto & Windus/The Hogarth Press, 1984, pages 119ff.
33.
Weatherall, Op.
cit.,
page 168.
34.
Ibid.,
pages 165–166.
35.
Gwyn Macfarlane,
Howard Florey: The Making of a Great Scientist,
Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1979, page 331.
36.
Weatherall, Op.
cit.,
pages 175–176.
37.
John E. Pfeiffer,
The Creative Explosion: An Inquiry into the Origins of Art and Religion,
New York: Harper & Row, 1982, pages 26ff, who says there was no dog. Annette Laming,
Lascaux,
London: Penguin, 1959, pages 54ff.
38.
Mario Ruspoli,
The Cave of Lascaux: The Final Photographic Record,
London and New York: Thames & Hudson, 1987, page 188. See also note 37 above.
39.
Ibid.
40.
Pfeiffer, Op.
cit.,
page 30.
41.
Ruspoli,
Op. cit.,
page 188.
42.
Pfeiffer, Op.
cit.,
page 31.
43.
For a detailed description, see Ruspoli, Op.
cit.,
and Fernand Windeis,
Montignac-sur-Vézere,
Centre d’Études et de documentations préhistoriques, Dordogne, 1948.
44.
Paul G. Bahn and Jean Vertut,
Images of the Ice Age,
London: Windward, 1988, pages 20–23.
45.
Evan Hadingham, Secrets of the Ice Age: The World of the Cave Artists, London: Heinemann, 1979. page 187.
46.
See Ruspoli, Op.
cit.,
pages 87–88 for a discussion, though no women are represented at Lascaux. Professor Randall White, of New York University, believes that certain features of the Venus figurines (tails, animal ears) suggest that these objects date from a time when early humans had not yet linked sexual intercourse with birth. The animal features suggest that animal spirits were thought to
be involved. (Personal communication.)
47.
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin,
The Appearance of Man,
London: Collins, 1965, page 51.
48.
Ian Tattersall,
The Fossil Trail,
Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, paperback 1996, pages 62 and 67.
49.
Chardin,
Op. cit.,
pages 91 and 145. Tattersall,
Op. cit.,
page 62.
50.
Mayr,
The Growth of Biological Thought, Op. cit.,
pages 566–569 which also includes Bernhard Rensch and G. Ledyard Stebbins in this group though they didn’t publish their works until 1947 and 1950 respectively, by which time the Princeton conference (see below) had taken place. Mayr says (page 70) that there was no ‘paradigm shift’ in a Kuhnian sense (see chapter 27 of this book) but ‘an exchange’ of ‘viable components.’ Julian Huxley’s book was published by George Allen & Unwin in London; all the others in the synthesis were published in New York by Columbia University Press. See also: Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (editors),
The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology,
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980, 1988, which explores the development in evolutionary thinking outside Britain and the United States: France, Germany, Soviet Russia, together with modern reassessments of the early figures in the field: T. H. Morgan, R. A. Fisher, G. G. Simpson, J. B. S. Haldane and William Bateson.