Mary, Queen of Scots (10 page)

John Leslie, Bishop of Ross, who was later in Mary’s confidence, felt that there was a strong maternal element in her feelings for Darnley; she displayed “very motherly care” while he was ill, and, although “they were not very different in years”—she was 22, he 18—“she was to him not only a loyal prince, but a most careful and tender mother.”
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This would explain her forbearance when the baser side of Darnley’s nature began to manifest itself.

Darnley’s feelings for Mary are more difficult to determine. His poems express the conventional sentiments of courtly love,
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but it is uncertain when they were written or to whom they were addressed. He seems to have wanted Mary as a queen rather than as a woman, and to have regarded her as a trophy; his overriding emotion at this time may well have been triumph at the realisation of his ambitions.

Randolph had quickly seen through Darnley, and wrote to Cecil: “What is thought of his behaviour, wit and judgement I would were less spoken than is, or less occasion for all men to enlarge their tongues as they do. Of this I have a greater number of particulars than I may well put in writing, which shall not be secret to you, though I cannot utter them but with great grief of heart.” Even Randolph, her enemy, felt pity for the unsuspecting Mary.

Maitland believed that Mary chose Darnley to spite Elizabeth, but she herself was convinced that there were sound political reasons for marrying him. Foremost was the uniting of their claims to the thrones of England and Scotland, which could only strengthen her position and that of any children of the marriage. Secondly, Mary’s union with a Catholic would earn her the approval of the Pope and the Kings of France and Spain. Thirdly, she counted on Darnley to help her break free from her thraldom to Moray and Maitland and enable her to exercise the sovereign power that was her right. Yet she failed to envisage how much hostility the marriage would engender amongst her Protestant nobles, especially Moray, who had been the mainstay of her throne, nor did she foresee how it would alienate Queen Elizabeth and create bitter divisions at court.

That was soon evident. By 15 April, Moray had hastened back to court, having heard “more than a bruit” that the Queen meant to “forsake all other offers and content herself with her own choice, despite the dangers like to ensue.” Mary was furious to hear that he was joining forces with other opponents of the marriage, and angrily accused him of scheming to “set the crown on his own head.”
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After this, relations between brother and sister deteriorated rapidly.

On 15 April, Randolph got wind of what was afoot and wrote to Cecil that Mary’s “familiarity” with Darnley “breeds no small suspicions that there is more intended than merely giving him honour for his nobility.” When this report reached London, Elizabeth began to be alarmed. She already regretted allowing Darnley to go to Scotland, and now it looked as if Mary really did mean to marry him.

Having made her decision, Mary sent Maitland to London to break the news formally to Elizabeth and seek her blessing, which she had no reason to think would not be forthcoming. Elizabeth was no doubt gratified that she had diverted Mary from making a foreign alliance, but she was now aware of how deeply her friends the Protestant Lords in Scotland disapproved of any union with Darnley, so she took steps to distance herself from that which she had been instrumental in bringing to pass. Flying into a rage, she told Maitland she was astonished at this “very strange and unlikely proposal” and much offended at Darnley’s disobedience, for, as her subject and her cousin, he required her permission to marry, which she was not prepared to give. On her orders, the English Privy Council declared that such a marriage “would be unmeet, unprofitable and perilous to the amity between the Queens and both realms,” and offered Mary a free choice “of any other of the nobility in this whole realm.”
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On 20 April, two days after her audience with Maitland, Elizabeth had Lady Lennox placed under house arrest.

By 18 April, Randolph knew for certain that Mary meant to marry Darnley, and reported Chatelherault’s fears that the House of Hamilton would be “quite overthrown” once a Lennox Stuart sat on the throne. “The godly cry out that they are undone,” wrote Randolph. “No hope now of the sure establishment of Christ’s true religion, but all turning to confusion.”

Opposition to the marriage rapidly formed in Scotland, and Moray, Chatelherault, Argyll, Glencairn and others signed a bond declaring their resolve to prevent it, complaining that “what [Mary] has taken in hand tends to her own destruction and the overthrow of tranquillity of her realm—and must be helped by sharper means.”
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But the Queen defiantly ignored all their protests. “She is now in utter contempt of her people,” observed Randolph, “and so far in doubt of them that, without speedy redress, worse is to be feared.”
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On 24 April, Elizabeth sent that seasoned diplomat, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, to Scotland with instructions to prevent or delay Darnley’s marriage, but as soon as he had set out, she changed her mind and recalled him. Instead, she wrote commanding Darnley and Lennox to return to England at once, then sent urgently to Randolph, instructing him to stay the order until further notice, which he felt would compound “the suspicion, which is now almost universal, that the sending of Darnley was done of purpose.”
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At the same time, Maitland, still in London, secretly obtained Spanish approval of Mary’s proposed marriage from King Philip’s ambassador, Guzman de Silva. Later, Philip wrote to Lady Lennox, declaring that he would be glad not only for her son to be King of Scotland, “but also to be King of England, if this marriage is carried through.”
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Elizabeth’s fears were not unfounded.

Easter that year was observed at court with unprecedented splendour, and on Easter Monday, Mary and her ladies dressed up as burgesses’ wives and went on foot through the town of Stirling, collecting money to pay for the banquet for the Queen’s servants.
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On that same day, 5–6,000 armed men in Moray’s pay were occupying Edinburgh, where an assize met to try Bothwell on 2 May. The presiding judge was Argyll, Moray’s ally. Bothwell dared not put in an appearance himself, but was ably defended by his cousin, Sir Alexander Hepburn, Laird of Riccarton. Nevertheless, he was condemned
in absentia
for high treason. The Queen, however, refused to consent to any punishment other than a nominal forfeiture, much to Moray’s fury,
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but in any case it was no longer safe for Bothwell to remain in Scotland, and soon afterwards he returned to France.

Darnley was now recovering from his illness. On 2 May, and again on 10 May, the French ambassador in London reported that he and Mary had already been secretly married;
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a letter addressed to Cosimo de’ Medici alleges the same thing, adding that the ceremony took place in Darnley’s apartment at Stirling, which had been fitted up as a Catholic chapel for the occasion.
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Mary had not yet applied for a papal dispensation, so these reports may refer to a betrothal or handfasting before witnesses, after which a couple were permitted to have sexual relations. As there is little evidence that Mary and Darnley became lovers at this time, the ambassadors’ information may well have been inaccurate.

On 3 May, Mary received a letter from Maitland informing her of Elizabeth’s fury over her proposed union with Darnley. This came as a shock, but Mary’s resolve did not waver and on 6 May she announced to the Lords at Stirling her forthcoming marriage, asking them to sign a document in support of it. When Moray alone refused, on the grounds that Darnley was an enemy to “Christ’s true religion,” there was “a great altercation” between him and his sister, in which Mary accused him of being a slave to England.
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“All things now grow too libertine,” observed Randolph darkly, “and the Queen taketh upon her to do as she pleases.”
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On 5 May, Elizabeth finally sent Throckmorton to Scotland with instructions to bring Darnley back to England, or delay the marriage for as long as possible. He was to offer Mary any other Englishman but Darnley, but warn her that Elizabeth would only consider naming her as her successor if she consented to marry Leicester. Maitland was only sorry that Elizabeth had not ordered Sir Nicholas to threaten war in order to awaken Mary to the reality of the situation.

Mary, meanwhile, had sent a letter to Maitland instructing him to inform Queen Elizabeth that “she did mind to use her own choice in marriage, and she would no longer be fed with yea and nay.”
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But Maitland had already left London, and her messenger, John Beaton, met him at Newark. Maitland read the letter, decided that it was too provocative and would seriously jeopardise his pro-English policy, and resumed his journey to Scotland. At Alnwick, he caught up with Throckmorton and the two travelled together the rest of the way. Maitland showed Throckmorton Mary’s letter, and Sir Nicholas reported that he had never seen Maitland in such a passion.
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Maitland reached Edinburgh on 13 May, having been ordered by Mary to delay Throckmorton’s arrival at Stirling. He passed on the message and hastened on to Stirling alone. Mary was justifiably angry with him for having disobeyed her orders, and withdrew her favour from him.
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Soon afterwards, Randolph commented that Maitland “hath now time enough to make court to his mistress,” Mary Fleming.
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Elizabeth’s blatant interference in Mary’s matrimonial affairs had caused the Scottish Lords to close ranks, and on 15 May, a convention of the nobility at Stirling reluctantly agreed to the Queen’s marriage to Darnley.
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“Many consented on condition that no change should be made in the established state of religion.”
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Of the Lords present, only Lord Ochiltree objected. Moray left before the vote was taken. Argyll, in protest, had refused to attend. On the same day, Mary applied to the Pope for a dispensation, since she and Darnley were within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity.

That morning, Throckmorton had arrived at Stirling, only to find the castle gates locked. Presently, two Councillors arrived and ordered him, in the Queen’s name, to retire to his lodgings, saying that she would grant him an audience after he had rested. Mary did not want him voicing any official protests until she had publicly committed herself to marrying Darnley. In the afternoon, Mary knighted Darnley and created him Baron Ardmannoch and Earl of Ross, “that her marriage might not seem too unequal.”
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Although he was Queen Elizabeth’s subject and owed allegiance only to her, Darnley accepted these Scottish titles and swore fealty to Mary. Elizabeth would rightly interpret this as an act of treason. Mary intended to give Darnley the royal dukedom of Albany, but was holding this in reserve, much to Darnley’s private annoyance, until she knew how Elizabeth was going to react to the lesser creations. After his ennoblement, Darnley was allowed to create fourteen knights, who were to form his personal entourage and the core of a new Queen’s party. Among them were several Lennox adherents, including Bothwell’s friend, Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, a Protestant who in August became Comptroller of the Queen’s Household.
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His advancement suggests that Bothwell was known to support the Darnley marriage.

Later that same day, Mary finally granted Throckmorton an audience, during which he recited Elizabeth’s protests against the marriage and demanded the return of Darnley and Lennox, who had “failed in their duty by their arrogant and presumptuous attempts to enterprise such a matter without making Queen Elizabeth privy, being her subjects.” Mary retorted that Elizabeth had objected to all her foreign suitors, and, as Darnley was “of the blood royal, she could not see what possible reasonable excuse her good sister could have for interfering.” It was obvious that there was no way of dissuading Mary, but she did assure Throckmorton that the wedding would not take place for three months, in order to give Elizabeth time to express her approval of it.
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On 21 May, Moray, having so far failed in his attempts to prevent the marriage, signalled his disapproval by withdrawing from court and retiring to his stepfather’s castle at Loch Leven in Fife.
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This was a mistake because, in his absence, Atholl, a Lennox man who was one of the “chief dealers” in the marriage, acted as the Queen’s chief Councillor.
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On the day of Moray’s departure, Throckmorton informed Leicester that Mary had been “seized with love in ferventer passions than is comely in any mean personage,” and was “so far passed in this matter with Lord Darnley as it is irrevocable, and no place left to dissolve the same persuasion by reasonable means; for though the consummation of the marriage be deferred, I am sure it is indissoluble without violence. The only means to stop the marriage is force.” He thought Mary “either so captivated by love or cunning, or rather, say truly, by boasting or folly, that she is not able to keep promise with herself,” and might therefore further ennoble Darnley despite her concerns about Elizabeth’s reaction.
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His view was echoed by Randolph, who wrote, “She doteth so much that some report she is bewitched: the tokens, the rings, the bracelets are daily worn that contain the sacred mysteries. Shame is laid aside, and all regard of that which chiefly pertaineth to princely honour removed out of sight.”
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If Mary and Darnley were not yet lovers in the physical sense, they were certainly giving a good impression that they were, and not caring who witnessed it.

Throckmorton feared that, through this marriage, Mary would attempt to restore Catholicism in Scotland to the detriment of Elizabeth, and warned Cecil to keep watch on the great Catholic families in the north and prevent Mary from communicating with the Spanish ambassador, a warning that the English Privy Council took seriously. This was all Sir Nicholas could do in the circumstances, and he returned home, despondent because not only had he failed in his mission, but he was convinced that Mary’s determination to marry Darnley had been founded on “despite and anger” towards Elizabeth, and “I cannot assure myself that such qualities will bring forth such fruit as the love and usage bestowed on Darnley shows.”
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