Marcus Agrippa: Right-hand Man of Caesar Augustus (45 page)

Polemon was struggling to contain the problem of his own making. It was only when ‘Agrippa came to Sinope with the purpose of conducting a campaign against them’ and news of his imminent arrival in the Bosporus reached the insurgents that ‘they then laid down their arms and were delivered up to Polemon’.
¹²⁰
According to Dio, Agrippa’s formidable reputation meant that he did not need to make the journey across the Black Sea in person, however, Orosius clearly infers he
was
involved in fighting:

With the sources we have exactly what the extent of Agrippa’s involvement was must remain unclear, but the outcome was that he brokered a new settlement between the warring parties. Dynamis was to become Polemon’s wife – uniting the two shores of the Euxine once again as they had been under Mithradates VI – and the people of the Cimmerian Bosporus, now as co-opted clients of the Roman Empire, would be required to provide men to serve in the Roman army.
¹²²
It was claimed that Augustus sanctioned the proceedings, but Agrippa was well within his rights to negotiate terms under his own
imperium proconsulare
over the eastern provinces. He also took the opportunity to tie neighbouring Chersonesos to the Cimmerian Bosporus securing control over the entire peninsula for Rome.
¹²³

As he had done following his campaign in Hispania Citerior, Agrippa sent his after action report to Augustus directly, not to the Senate. Whether it had been decided as a matter of policy by the two men is not clear, yet its ramifications were far reaching. ‘In consequence,’ notes Dio, ‘subsequent conquerors, treating his course as a precedent, also gave up the practice of sending reports to the public’.
¹²⁴
Despite what might have been perceived by some members of the House as a sign of disrespect, the Senate nevertheless granted Agrippa a triumph. As before, he declined it. This decision too had consequences. ‘For this reason – at least, such is my opinion,’ writes Dio, ‘no one else of his peers was permitted to do so any longer either, but they enjoyed merely the distinction of triumphal honours.’
¹²⁵
Indeed, Augustus’ own stepsons were the first to be directly affected by this policy. Nero Claudius Drusus, having successfully campaigned in Raetia, Vindelicia and Noricum in 15 BCE and Germania Magna 12–9 BCE, and his older brother Tiberius having fought in Illyricum in 12 BCE, were awarded what were called ‘triumphal ornaments’, which was the right to ride into the city on horseback, but omitted the glittering spectacle of the victor’s gilded four-horse chariot.
¹²⁶

With calm restored among the Black Sea states, Agrippa and Herodes relocated to Amisos (modern Samsun) 166km (103 miles) east along the coast of Anatolia. While Agrippa dealt with matters of state, his wife spent her time in tourism and shopping in Illium – the site of legendary Troy – upon which Augustus had lavished largesse as the spiritual home of the Roman people. Agrippa received distressing news that his wife had been allowed to cross the Scamander River at night while it was dangerously swollen by heavy rain, and had almost lost her life in doing so.
¹²⁷
It also transpired that no arrangements had been made to officially welcome his wife to Illium. The story is recounted by Nikolaos of Damaskos. It was no way to treat a lady, especially when she was the daughter of Augustus and the proconsul’s wife. Outraged by the irresponsibility of the city’s officials, Agrippa summarily issued a fine of 100,000 silver
drachmai
.
¹²⁸
Stung by the heavy penalty, the small city urgently despatched a delegation to appeal the decision, but arriving at Amisus the emissaries were too frightened to face Agrippa. Instead they approached Nikolaos, who was a senior member of Herodes staff, to intercede on their behalf, which is how he came to know of the story. Beside themselves with worry and expecting the worst, the delegation of Illium quickly left the city and scurried home. Meanwhile, Herodes discussed the matter calmly with his friend and persuaded him to cancel the fine and later informed Nikolaos of the outcome.
¹²⁹
It was only when he was himself travelling back to Rhodes that Nikolaos stopped at Illium to deliver the message. Following Agrippa’s clemency, the ancient city’s leadership responded with relief and gratitude by erecting a statue to the Roman proconsul, referring to him in the inscription on the plinth below as a ‘relative of the city’.
¹³⁰

Iulia may now have returned to Lesbos independently of her husband. On the face of it, their marriage was a happy one. Yet there were rumours of infidelities – not on the part of Agrippa, but of his wife. Suetonius mentions Iulia as having had designs on Augustus’ 27-year-old stepson, Tiberius, and that she ‘had a passion for him even during the lifetime of her former husband,’ adding ‘as was in fact the general opinion’.
¹³¹
Agrippa seems to have been loyal, even devoted, to Iulia, as his reaction to the episode at Illium demonstrates – but his affections may not have been returned with equal intensity. ‘We may add the shortness of his life’, observes Pliny the Elder, ‘to the distress which he experienced from the adulteries of his wife.’
¹³²
Tacitus goes so far as to name one of her alleged paramours as Sempronius Gracchus.
¹³³
Iulia had, meanwhile, borne Agrippa a fourth child – another daughter, making her Augustus’ second granddaughter – probably in October 14 BCE; she was named Vipsania Agrippina (better known to historians as Agrippina the Elder).
¹³⁴

For the moment Agrippa lost himself in other pursuits. Rather than going back the way they came by sea, Agrippa and Herodes instead travelled overland from Sinope across Paphlagonia, Cappadocia and Phrygia.
¹³⁵
By now the two men had become close friends. While Herodes was somewhat in awe of the Roman governor general, Agrippa genuinely appreciated the Judaean king’s insights on diplomatic and military affairs. Josephus characterizes their relationship in these terms:

At times it seems as though they were competing to see who could be the more generous of the two. As they passed through cities on their journey through Asia Minor, they might be approached to provide financial assistance:

In one case, Agrippa paid off the taxes still owed to the procurator by the people of Chios, and forgave their tribute obligations; and he provided funds as they were required by other communities.
¹³⁸
Eventually they reached the affluent port-city of Ephesus (near present-day Selçuk, Izmir). A bronze coin was specially minted with his and his wife’s portraits and the legend
M AΓPIΠΠA IOUΛIA
– ‘M. Agrippa [and] Iulia’ – to mark the occasion of their visit.
¹³⁹

From Ephesus it was a short crossing to the island of Samos.
¹⁴⁰
While there, deputations of Jews arrived from several Greek cities with complaints about alleged abuses of their privileges by Roman officials.
¹⁴¹
The Jewish citizens of these cities had rights enshrined in law respecting their religious differences. The Greeks felt aggrieved that a race, which despised their own religious practices was unfairly favoured. As a way to get back at them, the pagan Greeks insisted that Jews attended court hearings on the Sabbath and other days they regarded as holy; they prevented the Jews from paying the annual Temple tax of two drachmas and sending it back to Hierosolyma, in some cases stealing the money, and press ganged them into the city militias, even though laws were in place banning such impositions.
¹⁴²
This was not official policy. Though he misunderstood aspects of the monotheistic Jewish faith Augustus himself nevertheless respected its antiquity.
¹⁴³

Learning about the grievances, Herodes negotiated for Nikolaos of Damaskos to represent them before a tribunal headed by Agrippa and other high ranking officials.
¹⁴⁴
Herodes’ minister presented the case and asked Agrippa to re-affirm the rights of the Jews protected in law.
¹⁴⁵
The Greek advocate spoke next. He did not deny that the Greeks had placed demands on their Jewish neighbours, but argued that in the interests of a united community it was necessary for all citizens to consent to worship common gods.
¹⁴⁶
After hearing the arguments Agrippa’s gave his ruling quickly and unambiguously. Josephus writes,

In this society of rules and rescipts, official edicts were communicated verbally and in writing to avoid misunderstandings. Agrippa contacted the proconsuls of Asia and Libya to ensure his policy verdict was clearly understood. Through these missives, preserved verbatim by Josephus, we can read first-hand Agrippa’s direct and no-nonsense style. To the people of Ephesus he wrote a pointed letter:

To Cyrene he wrote in a similar vein about the Temple tax:

Copies of the letters were also sent to the offices of his legates and the Roman governors in each of the provinces in the East under his jurisdiction. They, in turn, published the rulings in their own name which were distributed to the cities as bronze tablets then attached to the walls of temples designated for the purpose where they could be read and scrutinized by the public.
¹⁵⁰
Thus Iulius Antonius relays the message:

The response by the governor general and personal friend of the emperor was no doubt received with unbridled joy by the Jewish communities across the region. A synagogue in the
Trans Tiberim
, Rome called the ‘
Agrippesioi
’ may have been so named out of gratitude to him.
¹⁵²

Herodes now bade his friend farewell and returned by ship to his kingdom. Agrippa headed to Mytilene where he would remain for the winter of 14 BCE. He attended to his official duties, responding to requests from his deputies and city officials across the eastern half of the empire. They could be local affairs which required his personal intervention, as in a case at Eresos on Lesbos – the details about which have been lost – or seemingly mundane, as was the case where he restored the rights and privileges of a council of elders (
gerousia
) in Argos, yet they illustrate the extent to which Agrippa was involved in public affairs as a ‘court of last resort’.
¹⁵³
In the spring of the following year Herodes returned. Along with gifts he entrusted into Agrippa’s care his eldest son, Antipatros.
¹⁵⁴
He was the son of an earlier marriage, and in the tumultuous household with his current wife Miriamne, tensions between her own sons Alexandros and Aristobolos and the other boy ran high.
¹⁵⁵
Antipatros cunningly positioned himself to become the favourite in the royal court to the detriment of his brothers, whose prospects of inheriting the throne became extremely remote.
¹⁵⁶
Herodes’ intention was for his son to receive an education in Rome and, in so doing, gain the trust of, and form a friendship with, Augustus.
¹⁵⁷
Friend of Agrippa he was, but he was also king of the Jewish people. Securing both his nation’s interests and his dynasty meant maintaining connections at all levels.