Male Sex Work and Society (47 page)
Read Male Sex Work and Society Online
Authors: Unknown
Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000
Other types of sexual goods and services could also be sold in virtual stores, and it was not long before all types of sexual markets catering to men interested in men emerged online (Rimm, 1994; Thomas, 2010). Customers now were able to purchase rights to view live webcasts of performers engaging in sexual activities, which sometimes permitted the customer and performers to chat online during the show. This made customers feel more like part of the live action, and performers sometimes allowed the customers to direct what action occurred. These online pornographic shows gave sex workers another lucrative source of income, one that could take place at home and supplement other forms of sex work or employment.
Sex workers offering clients direct sexual services could post online personal ads for strippers, escorts, and masseurs, much as they had done in print. Such services could be advertised on general-purpose websites and electronic bulletin boards (Lee-Gonyea, Castle, & Gonyea, 2009), or on websites specifically geared to sexual services (Smith & Grov, 2011). Sex workers paid a fee to post their advertisements, which could include long descriptions of their services as well as photographs and short videos, which was not possible in print. This allowed sex workers to present a more professional face and to reach potential customers in a more compelling and targeted manner. These websites developed variable fee scales so that a sex worker could gain more exposure and have additional advertising options by paying a higher fee.
By the early 21
st
century, sexual service providers had a range of Internet venues where they could advertise. They could post a free ad on general-access websites such as Craigslist, but these might not reach the desired customers and the type of information they could include was limited. Nevertheless, general-access websites were a good option for the occasional sex worker, men just starting in the business, or those with limited economic means. Men in this category might also place ads on personals websites where men wanting to have sex with men were looking to connect.
st
century, sexual service providers had a range of Internet venues where they could advertise. They could post a free ad on general-access websites such as Craigslist, but these might not reach the desired customers and the type of information they could include was limited. Nevertheless, general-access websites were a good option for the occasional sex worker, men just starting in the business, or those with limited economic means. Men in this category might also place ads on personals websites where men wanting to have sex with men were looking to connect.
The interactive nature of the Internet presented opportunities for sex workers and their customers that print and electronic media never could have done. It allowed men on both sides of the marketplace to talk anonymously via electronic chat rooms and email. Clients and sex workers could prescreen each other, thus reducing the risk of unwanted exposure, injury, or other negative consequences. This interactive chat room environment also enabled men to solicit sex by offering cash for sexual services, whether or not the man he propositioned identified himself as a sex worker.
Both providers and customers in the virtual sexual services marketplace have developed new ways to connect that increase convenience, safety, and satisfaction. Male sex workers regularly communicate with one another through Internet forums specifically for men working in the industry (Smith & Grov, 2011). Here they can exchange information, discuss best practices, and educate each other on the ups and downs of their work. Clients also have developed websites where they can rate escorts they have hired, discuss pricing, and talk about the etiquette of being with a paid sexual partner. This helps smooth the way for new clients who might not know what to expect, and also makes the sex worker’s job easier. Such open discussion simply was not possible before the Internet.
A Look Forward
It is safe to say that gay and bisexual men are no strangers to marginalization. It was not until 1973 that homosexuality was declassified as a mental illness from the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
, and in subsequent decades, gay and bisexual men continued to struggle for recognition and equal rights. In the 1980s and 1990s, HIV/AIDS entered the spotlight as primarily a “gay man’s illness,” seen by some as punishment for behavior they considered immoral or abhorrent (Shilts, 1987). Nevertheless, the HIV/AIDS epidemic laid the foundation for the modern gay social movement. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, well-developed, openly gay characters found their way into broadcast television and onto the silver screen (Grov, Bimbi, Parsons, & Nanín, 2006), representing a shift from either ignoring or stereotyping gays in the mass media. Recent years have seen increasing national attention given to reducing homophobic bullying in schools, particularly in light of a rash of teen suicides by youth who were either “out” or perceived by their peers to be gay. Meanwhile, the fight for same-sex marriage and equal rights for gay couples continues to be polarizing, pitting families, religious groups, and politicians against each other. However, there have been two recent historic breakthroughs in the marriage equality movement. In 2012, Barack Obama became the first sitting U.S. president to publicly announce support for same-sex marriage. And, in June 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled as unconstitutional some parts of the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which had barred the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages.
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
, and in subsequent decades, gay and bisexual men continued to struggle for recognition and equal rights. In the 1980s and 1990s, HIV/AIDS entered the spotlight as primarily a “gay man’s illness,” seen by some as punishment for behavior they considered immoral or abhorrent (Shilts, 1987). Nevertheless, the HIV/AIDS epidemic laid the foundation for the modern gay social movement. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, well-developed, openly gay characters found their way into broadcast television and onto the silver screen (Grov, Bimbi, Parsons, & Nanín, 2006), representing a shift from either ignoring or stereotyping gays in the mass media. Recent years have seen increasing national attention given to reducing homophobic bullying in schools, particularly in light of a rash of teen suicides by youth who were either “out” or perceived by their peers to be gay. Meanwhile, the fight for same-sex marriage and equal rights for gay couples continues to be polarizing, pitting families, religious groups, and politicians against each other. However, there have been two recent historic breakthroughs in the marriage equality movement. In 2012, Barack Obama became the first sitting U.S. president to publicly announce support for same-sex marriage. And, in June 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled as unconstitutional some parts of the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which had barred the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages.
Given the history of homophobia and the persecution of gay and bisexual men, it is no surprise that researchers have found that many gay and bisexual individuals have waited to come out about their sexual identity until they are financially independent from their family and socially independent from the community in which they were raised (Nardi & Schneider, 1998). Recent studies suggest, however, that today’s gay and bisexual youth are coming out at earlier ages, even though they still may be financially dependent on their families (Grov et al., 2006; Mustanski, Newcomb, Du Bois, Garcia, & Grov, 2011). This puts them at risk of being forced from their home, sometimes leading to housing problems or homelessness (Padilla, 2007; Smith & Grov, 2011). Gay and bisexual youth may face a number of barriers to earning an income (Mustanski et al., 2011) and may pursue nontraditional or illegal means of earning money, food, or housing—including selling drugs, stealing, or becoming involved in sex trade (Clatts, Goldsamt, Yi, & Gwadz, 2005; Lankenau, Clatts, Welle, Goldsamt, & Gwadz, 2005). Thus, although the social climate for gay and bisexual individuals has improved, a certain segment of younger gay and bisexual men are still at risk of being in economic straits, and sex work may seem the only viable solution.
Many gay and bisexual men choose to hide their identity out of fear of rejection and social persecution, and the possibility of being forced from their homes. Many workplaces lack protections for individuals based on sexual identity, and it was not until 2010 that gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals could serve openly in the U.S. armed forces. Some gay and bisexual men may even attempt to live as if heterosexual, marrying a woman and having children, yet their sexual attraction to men remains immutable. These men may act discreetly on their same-sex desires. In decades past, this sometimes took place in public restrooms where men, usually closeted, would convene to have sex (these spaces were often called tea rooms), risking arrest and physical harm (Humphreys, 1975).
Today, closeted men often look for partners in more discrete ways, such as searching for partners on the Internet, that do not involve visiting public environments where they could be outed. However, closeted men may not be interested in establishing a relationship with a same-sex partner, seeking instead discreet, quick encounters that enable them to act on their same-sex desires. Hiring a male escort is one means of achieving that goal, as such encounters can be planned and they give the client greater assurance of discretion and confidentiality (Smith & Grov, 2011).
Sexualization of Gay Identities Has Created More Acceptance of Sex Work in the Subculture
Today, urban centers across the U.S. are home to concentrations of gay and bisexual men colloquially called gay neighborhoods, gayborhoods, or gay ghettos, such as Boystown in Chicago, the West Village in New York City, and The Castro in San Francisco. These communities formed in large part as a reaction to gay oppression and often are seen as meccas for those leaving areas where there is no visible gay community (Egan et al., 2011; Levine, 1979). Given the historical oppression of gay individuals, it is no surprise that overt expressions of sexuality within concentrated gay communities are often seen as symbols of gay pride and freedom, as a way to reclaim that which has been suppressed. These developments have led to the reification of subcultural norms. In this section, we discuss gay pride parades, gay print media, gay bars and clubs, and gay men’s use of the Internet.
Annual gay pride marches—which often include politicians and gay-friendly businesspeople as well as proud members of the leather and bear communities, drag queens, and topless lesbians riding motorcycles—commemorate the 1969 Stonewall riots and the symbolic birth of the modern gay rights movement. They are a celebration of gay culture and gay identity—of being able to be in public and openly associate with other gays (Johnston, 2005). Because of the sexual freedom often displayed during pride parades, they have drawn the ire of some self-described “family-friendly” and religious groups as inappropriate and immoral.
Overt expressions of sexuality are in fact ubiquitous throughout gay culture and gay media (D’Emilio, 1983). In gay neighborhoods, one can find gay bars and clubs, gay coffee shops, gay-friendly restaurants and shops, gay-themed bookstores, and a variety of adult book/video stores (Lauria & Knopp, 1985). As mentioned, major cities throughout the U.S. have local gay print media, which feature sexually neutral materials such as events at bars and clubs, reviews of gay-friendly restaurants and hotels, and political stories of interest to gay readers. These publications also often feature more explicit sexual content, such as reviews of pornographic films, interviews with porn actors, sex advice columns, and advertisements for public sex venues such as bathhouses and sex parties, gay hookup websites, and escort and erotic massage providers.
Erotic dancers are a mainstay of many gay bars and clubs (Boden, 2007), where the commodification of gay sexuality is at its peak. However, gay men’s consumption of sexuality is not limited to physical spaces and tangible print media. Data suggest that the Internet is the place where many gay men today seek potential sex partners (Liau, Millett, & Marks, 2006).
The larger social environment in which gay men live is often hostile to queer expression, but in gay neighborhoods, it is generally expected and even celebrated. This has created an environment ideal for the commodification of sexuality that includes paying to enter a space in which sexuality is being displayed, such as a bathhouse or strip club, tipping an erotic dancer for his sexual performance, or paying someone for sex.
Escorting Covers the Expenses of Living a Gay Urban Life
As mentioned, concentrated gay neighborhoods have sprung up throughout urban centers in the U.S. and in many parts of the world. Urban living tends to be more costly than rural living—home prices, taxes, and insurance are higher, basic staples like milk and fuel cost more. Trendy neighborhoods, including gay neighborhoods, command premium prices for rentals and home purchases, as well as for everyday expenses like groceries, and they tend to attract higher-priced restaurants, shopping, and entertainment. To avoid these costs, single gay men may have roommates or live in more affordable neighborhoods that are not so gay friendly. Living outside a gay enclave may mean they have to hide or be more discreet about their sexual identity out of fear of disapproval or even violence from neighbors. It also may mean they have few physical spaces available to meet and socialize with other gay men.
In addition to being present in gay culture, many men also choose to “look the part.” This can include adopting trends in fashion, music, speech, and body language. There is strong evidence that many gay men are concerned about the way they look and about their body image (Kaminski, Chapman, Haynes, & Own, 2005; Peplau et al., in press) and that physical traits, such as muscularity, are intimately tied to perceptions of masculinity and, in turn, to sexual positioning (Moskowitz & Hart, 2011).
Around the world, gay men tend to migrate to urban gay neighborhoods. Younger gay men may do so to escape homophobia in their hometowns, or simply to live in an area with a flourishing gay community. Because of their age, young gay men often lack sufficient job skills and work experience to earn an income that will support the expensive lifestyle of urban gays. In our study of male escorts working for a single escort agency in Pennsylvania (Smith & Grov, 2011), we found that these men had a common goal of material wealth (the proverbial “American Dream”); however, many also recognized that only nontraditional means of making a living would help them reach that goal. In essence, these men found they could earn the equivalent of an entire day’s wages from a minimum wage job by seeing just one client. In essence, sex work was a way for these young men to achieve their desired material standing more rapidly.
With the sexualized environment and the commodification of sexuality found in urban gay centers, young gay men may quickly recognize that in these places, there is less stigma associated with engaging in sex work, there is an ample market of potential clients willing to pay top dollar for sexual services, and sex work may be a viable method to achieve their economic goals more quickly, and with more flexible work hours and independence.
Research suggests that full-time escorts are less common then men who engage in escorting to supplement another, more reputable source of income, or to make some fast money to pay off a credit card bill, for example. However, both full-time and more casual escorts can enjoy the boost in income, which may make it possible for them live in the heart of the neighborhood they desire and to participate fully in the gay lifestyle.
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