Malcolm X (91 page)

27
‘Up, you mighty race, you can accomplish what you will!’
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 6-7.

28
a poor neighborhood in west central Lansing.
Douglas K. Meyer, “Evolution of a Permanent Negro Community in Lansing,”
Michigan History Magazine
, vol. 55, no. 2 (1971), pp. 141—54.

28
“it was the same as being down South.”
Wilfred Little interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 20.

28
he was considered just such a troublemaker
. Ibid., p. 21.

28
“and the shoeshine boys at the state capitol.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 5-6.

29
and started a daily newspaper,
Blackman. Hill and Blair, eds.,
Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons
, p. lxvi.

29
estimated membership in the city at seven thousand
. See Ronald J. Stephens, “Garveyism in Idlewild, 1927 to 1936,”
Journal of Black Studies
, vol. 34, no. 4 (March 2004), pp. 462—88.

29
dangerous jobs in the foundries.
See Thomas N. Maloney and Warren C. Whatley, “Making the Effort: The Contours of Racial Discrimination in Detroit’s Labor Markets,”
Journal of Economic History
, vol. 55, no. 3 (September 1995), pp. 456-93. In 1930, Ford Motor Company employed 25 percent of all black workers in Detroit. Also see Joyce Shaw Peterson, “Black Automobile Workers in Detroit, 1910-1930,”
Journal of Negro History
, vol. 64, no. 3 (Summer 1979), pp. 177-90.

29
or branch organizations were established there.
See Stephens, “Garveyism in Idlewild, 1927 to 1936”; and “Concentration of UNIA Divisions by Regions, 1921-1933,” in Robert Hill, ed.,
The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers
, vol. 5,
1826-August 1919
(Berkeley: University of California Press,1991), pp. 751-52.

29
news of the movement from around the country.
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People,
p. 43.

29
become so crucial for Malcolm later in life.
Ibid.

30
“It wasn’t the way they wanted things to go.”
Wilfred Little interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 19.

30
reputation as Garveyite oddballs took its toll.
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People,
p. 46.

30
as a kind of shield from Earl’s beatings.
Perry,
Malcolm
, p. 6.

30
as a boy came from his mother.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 4.

30
“noontime parades down Main Street were out.”
Peter H. Amann, “Vigilante Fascism: The Black Legion as an American Hybrid,”
Contemporary Studies in Society and History
, vol. 25, no. 3 (July 1983), pp. 490-524; quotation from p. 406.

30
tarred and feathered, or just being run out of town.
See Kenneth R. Dvorak, “Terror in Detroit: The Rise and Fall of Michigan’s Black Legion,” Ph.D. dissertation, Bowling Green State University, 1990; quotation from p. 106. Also see Michael S. Clinansmith, “The Black Legion: Hooded Americanism in Michigan,”
Michigan History Magazine
, vol. 55, no. 3 (1971), pp. 243-62.

30
“two . . . the accident was quite violent.”
Florentina Baril interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, pp. 14-25.

31
have been the victim of racist violence.
Perry,
Malcolm
, pp. 12-13.

31
Louise reached him, he was dead.
Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 25.

31
“He ended up bleeding to death.”
Ibid.

31
Early Little’s death better than Louise did
. Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 10.

31
“somebody had shoved him under that car.”
Philbert Little interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 25.

31
Few blacks lived in the area.
“Man Run Over by Street Car,”
State Journal
(Lansing, Michigan), September 28, 1931.

32
the policy payout was almost exhausted
. Louise Little, “Petition for Widow’s Allowance,” Ingham County Probate Court, State of Michigan, February 24, 1932; U. S. Begley, M.D., petition to Judge of Ingham County Probate Court, State of Michigan, January 26, 1932; J. Wilson, dentist, petition to Ingham County Probate Court, State of Michigan, January 14, 1932; and John L. Leighton, petition to Ingham County Probate Court, State of Michigan, January 16, 1932, all in the Estate of Earl Little, File A-4053, Ingham County Probate Court, State of Michigan.

32
“she rented that out.”
Yvonne Little Woodward interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 26.

32
as Philbert later admitted.
Philbert Little interview, in ibid., p. 27.

32
“the hole that they had prepared.”
Cyril McGuine interview, in ibid., p. 27.

33
“so happy to be around him that we worked.”
Yvonne Little Woodward interview, in ibid., p. 28.

33
“go along with it—a Black Robin Hood!”
Wilfred Little interview, in ibid., p. 28.

33
marital status, race, and other factors was widespread.
See Susan Stein-Roggenbuck, “‘Wholly Within the Discretion of the Probate Court’: Judicial Authority and Mothers’ Pensions in Michigan, 1913-1940,”
Social Service Review
, vol. 79, no. 2 (June 2005), pp. 294-321. Michigan’s system of “mothers’ pensions” was not fully integrated into the federal government’s Aid to Dependent Children program until 1940.

33
“weren’t enough, as many as there were.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 12-13.

33
victims of the state’s bureaucracy.
Ibid., pp. 18-19.

34
“would tell us stories about our ancestry.”
Wilfred Little interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, pp. 15-16.

34
take him in as a foster child.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 14-15.

34
“mother threw a fit, though,” Malcolm related.
Ibid., pp. 15-18; and Thaddeus M. Smith, “Gohanna Family,” in Robert L. Jenkins, ed.,
The Malcolm X Encyclopedia
(Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2002), p. 240.

34
“look what they put my mother through.”
Yvonne Little Woodward interview, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 29.

35
“to kneel . . . because she was independent
.” Wilfred Little interview, in ibid., p. 28.

35
he “jilted my mother suddenly.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 21; and Perry,
Malcolm
, pp. 30-32.

35
“watched our anchor giving way.”
Ibid., p. 19; and Thaddeus M. Smith, “Gohanna Family,” in Jenkins, ed.,
Malcolm X Encyclopedia
, p. 240.

35
for welcoming ex-convicts into their home.
Malcolm X’s maternal half brother, Robert Little, discussed Malcolm’s experiences with the Gohanna family and Michigan’s foster care system, in Clara Hemphill, “Keep Children,”
Newsday
(New York), May 13, 1991.

35
did not know who or where she was.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 21; and Perry,
Malcolm
, pp. 30-32.

35
“an insane person . . . care and treatment in an institution.”
Physician’s certificate of Louise Little’s institutionalization, January 3, 1939, in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 32.

36
for the next twenty-four years
. Mental Health File of Louise Little (B-4398), Ingham County Probate Court.

36
which contributed to neglect and improper diagnoses.
See Catherine Jean Whitaker, “Almshouses and Mental Institutions in Michigan, 1871-1930,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1986; and “Kalamazoo Psychiatric Hospital,” Clarence L. Miller Local History Room, Kalamazoo Public Library, Kalamazoo, Michigan.

36
likely to have included electroconvulsive therapy
. William A. Decker,
Asylum for the Insane: History of the Kalamazoo State Hospital
(Traverse City, MI: Arbutus, 2007), pp. 34, 195, 196, 199.

36
Mason, ten miles south of Lansing.
Hemphill, “Keep Children.” Also see FBI surveillance report of Malcolm X, NY 105-8999, May 23, 1955. The report’s number indicates that the file was prepared by the FBI’s New York City office.

37
“Red,” due to the color of his hair
. Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 34-35.

37
“I jumped at the chance,” Malcolm recalled.
Ibid., p. 36.

37
Massachusetts Avenue between Columbus and Huntington avenues.
Ibid., pp. 37-38.

38
“white race as he is doing today.”
Photograph of Mason’s 1940 football team, reprinted in Strickland and Greene, eds.,
Malcolm X: Make It Plain
, p. 34.

38
“in other words, keep him in his place.”
Ibid., p. 39.

38
“Why don’t you plan on carpentry?”
Collins,
Seventh Child
, pp. 209-10.

38
“could you pay all your bills? Let me know real soon.”
Ibid.

39
promptly walked out, never to return to a classroom.
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People
, p. 54.

39
refusal to be dominated, led to divorce in 1934.
Collins,
Seventh Child
, pp. 51-52.

39
as Ella scrambled to assist her relatives.
Ibid., pp. 50-51.

40
“could be considered a dangerous individual
.” FBI—Ella X Collins, Memo, Elvin V. Semrad, M.D., to Daniel Lynch, Clerk, Boston Municipal Court, June 9, 1960.

40
and the two became involved
. Collins,
Seventh Child
, pp. 60-61.

41
Boston was multiethnic and expanding.
Violet Showers Johnson,
The Other Black Bostonians: West Indians in Boston, 1900-1950
(Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana State University Press, 2006), pp. 38, 84.

41
extended family living in greater Boston.
Collins,
Seventh Child
, pp. 42-43.

41
seek out better housing in places like the Hill.
Johnson,
The Other Black Bostonians
, pp. 36-37, 121-22.

42
time as a “destructive detour” in an otherwise purpose-driven life.
See Robin D. G. Kelley, “The Riddle of the Zoot: Malcolm Little and Black Cultural Politics During World War II,” in Joe Wood, ed.,
Malcolm X: In Our Own Image
(New York: St. Martin’s, 1992), pp. 155—82.

42
Shorty immediately dubbed his new friend “Homeboy.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 45-47.

43
“in the Boston street life and nightclub scene.”
Collins,
Seventh Child
, p. 42.

43
well informed whether pointing out gamblers or pimps
. Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 45-47.

43
redistributing the remainder as daily winnings.
See Jessa Drucker, “Numbers,” in Jackson, ed.,
Encyclopedia of New York City
, p. 856.

43
“Stomping at the Savoy,” were crafted for the Lindy Hop.
The Lindy Hop dance began in the late 1920s and was the most popular swing dance for two decades. Its name derived from famous aviator Charles Lindbergh, following his 1927 solo flight across the Atlantic Ocean. See Marshall and Jean Stearns,
Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance
, second revised edition (New York: Da Capo, 1994); and L. F. Emery,
Black Dance in the U.S. from 1619 to 1970
(Palo Alto: National Press Books, 1972).

43
watch the dancers go through their paces.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 52-53.

44
docile yet loyal, obese and hardworking.
See “Motion Pictures,” in Augustus Low and Virgil A. Cliff, eds.,
Encyclopedia of Black America
(New York: Da Capo, 1984), pp. 277-79.

44
Nellie LaFleur, the numbers queen.
Ibid., p. 277.

44
the Fair Employment Practices Committee.
“Labor Unions” and “A. Philip Randolph,” in ibid., pp. 493, 727.

44
latest gossip at Mason High School.
Christine Hoyt to Malcolm Little, February 7, 1941, in “Malcolm X Collection, 1941-1955,” Manuscript Collection No. 827, Robert W. Woodruff Library (RWL) Special Collections Department, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia.

44
some former sweethearts also kept in touch.
Peter Hawryleiw to Malcolm Little, March 2, 1941, ibid.

44
to write more clearly in the future.
Philbert Little to Malcolm Little, March 6, 1941, ibid.

45
relationships with several Lansing girls.
Reginald Little to Malcolm Little, March 22, 1941, ibid.

45
his first colorful “zoot suit” on credit.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 54.

45
“after a lifetime of kinks, is staggering.”
Ibid., pp. 55-56.

45
life as the ultimate act of self-debasement.
Ibid., pp. 56-57.

45
wavy-haired Latinos, whom blacks sought to emulate.
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People
, p. 55.

45
to declare the wearing of a zoot suit a misdemeanor.
Kelley, “The Riddle of the Zoot,” pp. 159-60. Also see Chester B. Himes, “Zoot Riots Are Race Riots,”
Crisis
, vol. 50 (July 1943), pp. 200-201.

45
place in Baltimore, Detroit, San Diego, and New York City.
See Eric Lott, “Double V, Double-Time: Bebop’s Politics of Style,”
Callaloo
, no. 36 (Summer 1988), pp. 597-605; and Douglas Henry Daniels, “Los Angeles Zoot Race ‘Riot’: The Pachuco and Black Culture Music,”
Journal of Negro History
, vol. 82, no. 2 (Spring 1997), pp. 201-20.

46
inquiring about his intentions, but to no avail.
Eleanor L. Matthews to Malcolm Little, October 9, 1941; and Matthews to Little, October 21, 1941, “Malcolm X Collection, 1941-1955,” RWL.

46
after Malcolm had moved to Harlem in early 1942.
Gloria Strother to Malcolm Little, October 29, 1941, ibid.

46
as a blonde Armenian named Bea Caragulian.
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People
, p. 64.

46
discussion of Bea, who is referred to as “Sophia.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 72.

46
the far less glamorous Tick Tock Club.
Robert L. Jenkins, “Beatrice Caragulian Bazarian,” in Jenkins, ed.,
Malcolm X Encyclopedia
, pp. 94-95.

47
“the young ones and the old ones both.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 62-63.

47
working in the dining room as a waiter.
Kofi Natambu,
Malcolm X
(Indianapolis: Alpha, 2002), pp. 57-58.

47
that he hoped to travel to California soon.
Malcolm Little to Zolma Holman, November 18, 1941. The letter is in the possession of the Wright Museum, Detroit, Michigan, and was displayed with the Malcolm X exhibit, Schomburg Center, New York Public Library, 2005.

47
Martha’s Vineyard, describing her boredom.
Catherine Haines to Malcolm Little, June 25, 1942, “Malcolm X Collection, 1941-1955,” RWL.

47
“not have wanted to hear it in the first place.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 71.

47
sixty thousand blacks from New York City had served their country.
“Members of Nine Harlem Draft Boards Praised by Gen. Davis as They Get Medals,”
New York Times
, June 13, 1946. Also see Bernard C. Nalty,
Strength for the Fight: A History of Black Americans in the Military
(New York: Free Press, 1986); and Arthur E. Barbeau and Florette Henri,
The Unknown Soldiers: Black American Troops in World War I
(Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 1974).

48
on a railroad line as a fourth-class cook.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 74.

48
“as laborers, janitors, guards, taxi-drivers and the like.”
Ibid., p. 75.

48
coworkers began to call him “Sandwich Red.”
Ibid.

48
“And Harlem was Seventh Heaven!”
Ibid., p. 80.

49
along with the Cotton Club and Connie’s Inn.
See Marc Ferris, “Small’s Paradise,” in Jackson, ed.,
Encyclopedia of New York City,
p. 1079; Wallace Thurman,
Negro Life in New York’s Harlem
(Girard, KS: Haldeman-Julius, 1928); and Carl Van Vechten,
Nigger Heaven
(New York: Harper and Row, 1977).

49
“mostly men, drinking and talking.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 75.

49
an entertainment center featuring black performers.
See Beth L. Savage, ed.,
African American Historic Places
(Washington, D.C.: Preservation Press, 1994).

49
after winning the heavyweight championship.
See Sondra Kathryn Wilson,
Meet Me at the Theresa: The Story of Harlem’s Most Famous Hotel
(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004); Amanda Aaron, “Hotel Theresa,” in Jackson, ed.,
Encyclopedia of New York City
, p. 364; and Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 76.

49
“I had left Boston and Roxbury forever.”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 76.

49
a hangout for the Apollo’s entertainers.
Ibid., p. 80.

50
with customers, and especially with servicemen.
Ibid.

50
“but they would pay him a thousand dollars a trip.”
Wilfred Little, quoted in DeCaro,
On the Side of My People
, p. 68.

50
the conditions in which blacks lived and worked.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 108. Also see Albert Murray,
The Blue Devils of Nada
(New York: Pantheon, 1996), pp. 99—102.

50
on credit, but he had no intention of paying.
See “Personal Business Records,” O.K. Tailoring Company, March 24, 1942, “Order received and owes $28.45”; and Empire Credit Clothing Company, July 14, 1942, “Owes $25.00,” in “Malcolm X Collection, 1941-1955,” RWL.

50
Boyle Brothers collection agency, which threatened legal action.
Boyle Brothers Collection Service, no date, “Threatening court action”; Boyle Brothers Collection Service, no date, “Threatening court action if Little does not pay,” ibid.

50
his dues to the Dining Car Employees Union.
“Dining Car Employees Union Bill,” no date, “Owes five dollars in union dues,” ibid.

51
“might have been taken as a man from Mars,” he recalled.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 82.

51
with the bold signature “Harlem Red.”
Ibid., pp. 82-83.

51
were spent pursuing a number of different women.
Natambu,
Malcolm X
, p. 63.

51
fired seventeen days later for insubordination.
Ibid., p. 64; and Collins,
Seventh Child
, p. 42.

51
prompting arrest for solicitation, and another firing.
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, pp. 83, 99-101.

51
“over the place where he could sleep.”
DeCaro,
On the Side of My People
, p. 68.

52
become famous as the comedian Redd Foxx.
Ibid., pp. 66-67.

52
“how they could benefit us as a people.”
Ibid., p. 67.

52
“ ‘fought the hardest to help free those Scottsboro boys?’ ”
Malcolm X and Haley,
Autobiography
, p. 79.

52
“Harlem was like it still is today—virtually all black.”
Ibid., p. 85.

53
to Negroes who followed them north.
Gilbert Osofsky,
Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto: Negro New York, 1890-1930
(New York: Harper and Row, 1966), pp. 115-17.

53
part of the cultural bedrock of black Harlem.
David Levering Lewis,
When Harlem Was in Vogue
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981), pp. 28, 104-5, 217-18.

54
global expression for youth culture.
Osofsky,
Harlem
, pp. 3, 28, 128—31, 137.

54
the neighborhood in the New York State Assembly in 1940.
Hulan Jack was elected Manhattan borough president in 1953, making him at the time the highest-ranking black official in the United States. Following his reelection in 1957, Jack was convicted for accepting an illegal gift of $4,500, and was forced to resign. See Calvin B. Holder, “Hulan Jack,” in Jackson, ed.,
Encyclopedia of New York City
, p. 607.

54
employees were black, and all held low-wage jobs.
Herman D. Bloch, “The Employment Status of the New York Negro in Retrospect,”
Phylon
, vol. 20, no. 4 (1959), pp. 327- 44 ; quotations from pp. 333 and 327.

54
period was estimated well above 50 percent.
Ibid., p. 337.

54
estimated the average black family’s income at $1,025.
Cheryl Greenberg, “The Politics of Disorder: Reexamining Harlem’s Riots of 1935 and 1943,”
Journal of Urban History
, vol. 18, no. 4 (August 1992), pp. 395-441; quotation from p. 399.

55
inciting to riot and malicious mischief to felonious assault and burglary.
Ibid., pp. 403-8.

55
“to arrest an unarmed drunk, hit the drunk so hard that he died.”
Ibid., p. 414.

55
white-collar positions at Consolidated Edison.
Ibid., pp. 418-19.

56
two liberals campaigned together—and both won.
Dominic J. Capeci, “From Different Liberal Perspectives: Fiorello H. LaGuardia, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., and Civil Rights in New York City, 1941-1943,”
Journal of Negro History
, vol. 62, no. 2 (April 19 77), pp. 160-73; quotations from pp. 160-63.

56
Walton High School, Powell denounced the action.
Ibid., p. 164.

56
over fascism abroad and racial discrimination at home.
See “The Courier’s Double ’V’ for Double Victory Campaign Gets Country-Wide Support,”
Pittsburgh Courier
, February 14, 1942; and Lee Finkle,
Forum for Protest
(Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1975).

57
executive order placing the streetcar company under army control.
Philip S. Foner,
Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1981
, second edition (New York: International Publishers, 1981), p. 265.

57
“a certain respect for white Americans faded.”
James Baldwin,
The Fire Next Time
(New York: Dell, 1970), p. 76.

57
even the rising Republican star Thomas E. Dewey.
Ibid., pp. 50, 52. Sources on the Savoy Ballroom include: Jervis Anderson,
This Was Harlem, 1900-1950
(New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1982); Morgan Smith and Marvin Smith,
Harlem: The Vision of Morgan and Marvin Smith
(Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1997); and Stearns,
Jazz Dance
.