Authors: Robert Young Pelton
When I ask Shannon, a Blackwater contractor with many tours of duty in Iraq, how extensive he thinks the problem of civilian casualties may be, he replies: “Contractors shoot at people all the time, but we don't stop to see if anyone was killed or injured.” When I press him for more information on his memory of any specific incidents, the usually loquacious Shannon remains uncharacteristically circumspect. Shifting angles, I ask him what he views as the worst-case scenario for the security industry in Iraq, to which he offers: “The FBI showed up once looking for a rogue group. And no one knows if the USIS rumors about contractors doing offensive operations in Fallujah are true. There are plenty of stories from Iraqis about drive-by shootings, but the fact is that there are plenty of white SUVs used by insurgents.” As a member of the close-knit, self-protective tribe of security contractors, it may be difficult for Shannon to acknowledge that his own contemporaries may actually represent a larger problem than any rogue group. Or he may just be putting a positive spin on the practices of his chosen profession.
Most contractors I have asked about this issue have responded with a chuckle or a sarcastic remark, and the general consensus has been that the most serious incidentsâthe ones in which civilians were likely killedâare the least likely to be reported. The only negative elements of the security industry Shannon would comment on were two items that have already been reportedly resolved: “We had a problem with black-market weapons, but that got shut down. There was the whole steroid thing, but State clamped down on that.” Though I have spent years traveling with and talking to contractors and have made many lasting and meaningful friendships through the experience, it is obvious that on many levels their world will remain a closed societyâeven to me. But even as simply a close observer of the standards and practices of private security in Iraq, two critical issues have become glaringly obvious. They are that some Iraqi security companies are very likely operating as private militias, and that there has yet to be an accounting of deaths caused by contractorsâmen who for now still operate with a license to kill.
As of spring 2006, there has not been a single contractor charged for any crime that occurred in Iraq, though hundreds of soldiers have been court-martialed for offenses ranging from minor violations of military code to murder. Even if a particularly negligent or intentional attack on civilians was publicly exposed, it is unclear what legal avenues would be used to hold the perpetrators accountable. The only contractor who has been charged with a crime during the War on Terror will be tried for a violation of the Patriot Act, even though the incident in question occurred in Afghanistan: David Passaro, an independent contractor working a covert paramilitary job, allegedly assaulted a prisoner in detention. He now awaits trial in his home state of North Carolina.
It is evident that the depth and breadth of this problem has yet to be fully explored, though there is a clear need to understand the impact that hired guns have on the people and environment in which they operateânot just for today's War on Terror, but also for the future.
The rise of the private security company in war zones and high-risk areas has created a new breed of private soldiers, armed mercenaries, security guards, and companies who have the license to resort to full-scale violence if attackedâa potential freelance warrior class that operates under murky legal restraint. The commercial provision of an armed force has become a standard way of doing business, as well as a supplemental tool of foreign policy. The thing to watch in the future will be whether or not armed men hired on a contract basis become an integral tool of foreign policy.
Some of the khaki-clad legions in Iraq do a ninety-day tour and realize that their life is worth more than $500 a day. Others will develop an addiction to the lifestyle and a dark craving for being “in the game.” The war against the Russians in Afghanistan drew legions of mercenaries to fight jihad, creating an army of thousands of trained, seasoned private soldiers with a tight network of contacts with aligned ideologies and capabilities. After the Russians withdrew, leaving the jihadis unemployed, some of them went home, but many ended up joining al-Qaeda and/or moving on to fight other Islamist insurgencies. Working in violent areas and being given a license to kill can be frightening to some and an addictive adrenaline rush to others. It is impossible to predict how successfully the thousands of security contractors now working in Iraq will integrate back into a normal civilian life after their wellspring of employment dries up.
Examining the coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea provides a good model of how private military forces can be harnessed by well- or ill-intentioned wealthy patrons for their own personal and financial designs. Established military powers have little to fear from the designs of a few dozen men winging their way on a 727, but had the coup been successful in Equatorial Guinea, America would have had to protect its oil interests from being sold off or diverted to the highest or most corrupt bidder. A small group of men with experience as hired guns could be exponential in their influence, given the right opportunity. Just as Billy Waugh was sent in to train and hire foreign legions in Southeast Asia in the 1970s and more recently in Afghanistan, it would take only a limited number of willing participants to act as the catalyst for a much broader military action.
Loosely organized old-boy networks and their financially motivated players have a proven ability to operate within clearly defined loopholes and then vanish when the gig is done. Even the more visible proponents of the soldier-for-hire club like Simon Mann, Tim Spicer, even Keith Idema, can relabel and reposition themselves as the times and opportunities dictate. The business has scurry holes where an egregious abuser can disappear, only to reappear with a different corporate label and purpose a few months later. I have met former Apartheid-era enforcers, dictators' bodyguards, bounty hunters, and mercenaries working as contractors for large Western security companies. I have also met seasoned cops, decorated veterans, and highly educated intellectuals working on the same teams. The first set would likely not hesitate to take a gig like Equatorial Guinea, but it will be interesting to see if any “normal” Western contractors will take money to make a big jump to the dark side.
In my years of travels among guns-for-hire, I have never seen an example of a clearly evil person deliberately doing evil things as a contractor. All have their own moral, professional, and emotional rationale for what they do. Their tribal nature forces reprobates out and word travels quickly. Many of the more recent initiates see their calling as identical to what they did in the military or police. Many switch back and forth seamlessly, such as the two men arrested in Zimbabwe with Simon Mann while they were on a “hunting vacation” from their jobs in Iraq. The more experienced ones see that times and rationale can change quickly, turning the savior into the demon.
President Obiang's lawyer, Henry Page, has spent quite a bit of time pondering the moral dilemma of employing a PMC to effect “regime change.” He has his own opinions about the future of the private security industry, and contrasts the post-9/11 “license to kill” to a passage from
A Man for All Seasons
in which Thomas More stands by the letter of the law against the wishes of the king, who wants to bend the rules to divorce his wife. In his terribly posh British accent, Page paraphrases, “If the laws protect you like trees from the devil, and you cut them down to get to the devil, what will protect you when the devil comes after you?”
GLOSSARY
        Â
ABC
âAmerican Broadcasting Corporation
AIC
âAgent in charge
AK-47
âAvtomat Kalashnikov Model 47, a Soviet-designed assault rifle that fires heavy 7.62-mm rounds, developed for Russian motorized infantry in 1949
AN/PRC 112
âA palm-sized, 28-ounce survival radio/GPS for locating downed air crews and combat patrols
ANC
âAfrican National Congress
ASIS
âAmerican Society for Industrial Security
BBC
âBritish Broadcasting Corporation
BBC
âBight of Benin Company
BIAP
âBaghdad International Airport
Blackside SF
âCovert Special Forces
Blue Badger
âFull-time CIA employee
BMW
âBavarian Motor Works
CAC
âCommon access card issued to contractors
CACI
âCalifornia Analysis Center, Inc
CAMCO
âCentral Aircraft Manufacturing Company
CASA 212
âThe newest version of Spanish-made short takeoff and landing transport aircraft, which can carry twenty-five equipped paratroopers or 6,500 pounds of payload
CAS
âClose Air Support, now called TAC-P, Tactical Air Control Party
CAT
âCounterassault team
CCB
âCivil Cooperation Bureau
CDI
â“Chicks Dig It”
CEO
âChief executive officer
CH-47
âU.S. twin rotor workhorse helicopter that can transport forty-four troops or lift up to 26,000 thousand pounds by sling
CIA
âCentral Intelligence Agency
CIDG
âCivilian Irregular Defense Group
Clandestine
âActions done in secret, often in order to conceal an illicit or improper purpose
CNN
âCable News Network
Covert
âActivities conducted, planned, and executed so that any U.S. government responsibility for them is not evident to unauthorized persons and that if the activities are uncovered, the U.S. government can plausibly disclaim any responsibility for them
CPA
âCoalition Provisional Authority
CQB
âClose-quarter battle
CRG
âControl Risks Group
CRM
âCrisis and Risk Management
DBA
âDefense Base Act Insurance
DC
âDistrict of Columbia
DCI
âDirector of Central Intelligence
DEVGRU
âDevelopment Group (SEAL Team 6), short for United States Naval Special Warfare Development Group
DIA
âDefense Intelligence Agency
DoD
âDepartment of Defense
DPG
âDefense Planning Guidance
DSL
âDefence Systems Limited
DSS
âDiplomatic Security Service (U.S. State Department)
EEZ
âExclusive Economic Zone
EKG
âElectrocardiogram (EKG comes from the German name Elektrokardiogramm)
EO
âExecutive Outcomes
ESS
âEurest Support Services
FLIR
âForward-looking infrared
GAO
âGovernment Accountability Office
GC
âGovernate coordinator
GMC
âGeneral Motors Corporation
GMSSCO
âGlobal Marine Security Systems Company
GPS
âGlobal Positioning System
Green Badger
âFreelance CIA contractor
Green Zone
âTen-square-kilometer fortified area along the banks of the Tigris chosen as the U.S. occupation center in Baghdad
H&K
âHeckler & Koch
HVT
âHigh-value target
IC
âIndependent contractor
ICDC
âIraqi Civil Defense Corps
IED
âImprovised explosive device
IPOA
âInternational Peace Operations Association
ISI
âInter-Services Intelligence
JDAM
âJoint Direct Attack Munition
JSOC
âJoint Special Operations Command
JSOTF
âJoint Special Operations Task Force
KAS
âKilo Alpha Services
KBR
âKellogg, Brown and Root
KIA
âKilled in action
KPD
âKarzai Protection Detail
K-Town
âKhartoum, Sudan
LOGCAP
âLogistics Civil Augmentation Program (U.S. Army)
LURD
âLiberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy
M4
âThe M4 carbine, a more compact version of the M16A2 rifle with a shorter barrel and a telescoping four-position buttstock
M16
âThe standard-issue U.S. rifle
MACV-SOG
âMilitary Assistance Command VietnamâSpecial Observation Group
MI6
âUK Military Intelligence Section 6
MiG
âRussian aircraft designers Mikojan & Gurevich
MNF
âMulti-national forces
MP
âMilitary police
MRE
âMeals ready to eat
MTS
âMeteoric Tactical Services
MTS
âMilitary Technical Services
MVM
âMarquez Vance Marquez
NA
âNorthern Alliance
NBC
âNational Broadcasting Company
NGO
âNongovernmental organization
NOC
âNonofficial cover
NVA
âNorth Vietnamese Army
NVGs
âNight-vision goggles
ODA
âOperational Detachment, Alpha
OGA
âOther governmental agencies
Ops
âOperations
ORHA
âOffice of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance
OSS
âOffice of Strategic Services
PBS
âPublic Broadcasting Service
PCO
âProject and Contracting Office
PKM
âPulemyot Kalashnikova Modernizirovanniy, the standard general-purpose machine gun adopted in 1961 that fires the heavier 7.62 Ã 54 R bullet
PMC
âPrivate military company
PNAC
âProject for the New American Century
PNG
âPapua New Guinea
PNGDF
âPapua New Guinea Defence Force
POW
âPrisoner of war
PRS
âPrimary ring security
PSC
âPrivate security company
PSD
âPersonal security detail
R & R
âRest and relaxation
REMFs
âRear-Echelon Mother Fuckers
Red Zone
âBaghdad outside the Green Zone
RFP
âRequest for proposal
ROWAL
âRanger Oil West Africa
RPG
âRocket-propelled grenade
RSO
âRegional Security Officer
RTI
âResearch Triangle Development, Inc.
RUF
âRevolutionary United Front (Sierra Leone)
SAD
âSpecial Activities Division (CIA)
SADF
âSouth African Defence Force
SAS
âSpecial Air Service (UK)
SAW
âSquad automatic weapon
SCI
âSensitive Compartmented Information above “top secret,” an access restriction applied to information that could cause exceptionally grave damage to the national security
SCG
âSmith Consulting Group
SEAL
âSea, air, land (U.S. Navy)
SF
âSpecial Forces (U.S. Army)
SOAR
âSpecial Operations Aviation Regiment
SOCOM
âSpecial Operations Command
SOFLAM
âSpecial Operations Forces Laser Marker
SUV
âSport utility vehicle
TAC-P
âTactical air controller party
TCNs
âThird-country nationals
TF
âTask force
TFE
âTotalFinalElf
UAV
âUnmanned aerial vehicle
UN
âUnited Nations
UNITA
âUnião Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola
USAID
âUnited States Agency for International Development
USIS
âUnited States Investigations Services
Vanilla SF
âOvert Special Forces Groups
VBIED
âVehicle-borne improvised explosive device
VIP
âVery important person
VP
âVice president
ZDI
âZimbabwe Defence Industries