Letters to My Daughters (38 page)

Despite their good intentions, some of the decisions made by the United Nations and the international community have had mixed results. At a meeting in Geneva in 2002, it was decided the United States would train the newly formed Afghan national army, while Germany would be responsible for the police, Italy the justice system, Britain counter-narcotics and Japan disarming illegal groups. This so-called five-pillar approach had at its heart the issue of security, yet almost ten years after Operation Enduring Freedom began, Afghanistan is still far from stable.

A large part of the problem is that for far too long now, Afghanistan's leaders have acted as if the country is theirs to do with as they please. They forget that there is a whole nation of people living here—real people, good people with families and businesses and children and dreams for their future. Instead, Afghanistan has been run like the personal fiefdom of a few powerful men. The leaders' agenda has generally been entirely selfish. In the case of the Soviets, Afghanistan was used as a stepping stone in their ambitions for empire, as they jealously eyed Pakistan's warm-water ports. Afghanistan lay in the way, and as such was largely an inconvenience to be subjugated in the name of a political objective.

Then the Mujahideen cloaked themselves in nationalism. They were the liberating heroes of our nation, and while all Afghans are proud of their long and tenacious victory over the Soviets, their desire for personal power led to civil war and nearly destroyed my country. It was their infighting and the ensuing chaos that opened the door for the Taliban to take control. The Taliban strove for a kind of great leap backwards, propelling Afghanistan into a medieval era of Islamic conservatism and hyperbole rarely seen in the history of the world or indeed in Islam itself.

Little if any thought was given to the ambitions, hopes and welfare of ordinary Afghans. Ironically, it was perhaps the Soviets who got closest to doing so, building hospitals and learning institutions to improve people's lives. But it was done as a means of achieving a larger strategic goal, not for the greater good of the diverse peoples who call Afghanistan home.

Ordinary Afghans, be they Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Aimak, Turkmen or Baluch, have their own hopes for this country. Unfortunately, for far too long they have had leaders who are interested only in serving themselves, and in many ways that is still true to this day. The average Afghan politician has the attitude that once he comes to power, his office and authority becomes a personal plaything, to be used for giving influential jobs to friends and relatives completely unqualified for the positions or enriching themselves through bribe taking and outright theft. The last thing on their minds is the welfare and happiness of the people they are supposed to represent.

Nepotism is rampant in Afghanistan's political system. Family and friends are incredibly important in my country, just like anywhere else. However, our politicians have yet to realize that public office is about public service, not giving your nearest and dearest key positions in the administration—even when it arises out of a well-intentioned “I need someone I can trust; who better than my cousin/nephew/old family friend?” This is wrong. It is not the way to run an effective government and is a catalyst for greater corruption. The person appointed is not motivated by a desire to serve their nation; instead, his loyalty lies with the person who hired him. Decisions are made on the basis of what's best for them, not what's best for the people. Accountability and transparency breaks down, and the fundamentals of good government are cast aside.

Sadly, while most Afghans dislike the way our government runs, many are accepting of it. Expectations of political leaders are low, and all too often dissenting voices can be bought off with a job, a contract or even just cash. And if they can't be bought off? Well, sadly, my country is a dangerous place. People who speak out die here all the time, and very few of the murders are ever solved. Much is written in the world media about the kidnapping of foreign aid workers, a rare but very unfortunate occurrence. These people have come only to help us, and my heart weeps every time one of them lays down their life for a country that isn't even theirs. But what the media do not report is how commonly Afghans are kidnapped. Every rich businessman in our country knows someone who has been kidnapped for ransom. Even small children are not safe from the kidnap gangs who want their parents' money. For those reasons, most of the Afghan business people who came back here after the Taliban fell have left again—those holding dual passports went to Europe or America—creating a massive brain and skill drain.

And that won't change until the people whose job it is to run the country, in a parliamentary system, start to do things for the right reason. That reason is very clear in my mind. A person should be involved in public service only if he or she truly wants to serve the public. If all our politicians and government officials started to think like that, then there's no limit to what could be achieved. The billions of dollars of aid and development money that has been poured into Afghanistan would go to where it is actually needed. The contract to do the work would be performed by the contractor best able to perform the service, not the one who pays the biggest bribe. The police and army would be loyal solely to their uniform and to the nation it represents, not to a corrupt boss. Local governors would diligently and honestly collect taxes and duties and deliver them to the central treasury. The central government in turn would see that the money gets spent wisely and efficiently on the ministries and projects the politicians have designated. And politicians would be bound to listen to, and act upon, the wishes of their constituents.

I don't wish to sound politically naive. All governments have their problems. But the best governments have mechanisms for improvement. That requires parliamentary inquiries in which members are free and willing to investigate and present their findings in an honest and frank way. It requires a judiciary that can act independently of influence and has the teeth to fight off any corrupting influence. It requires a police force disciplined and proud enough to turn its back on petty larceny and bold enough to investigate any level of criminal activity, no matter who is implicated or how powerful he might be. The international media recently reported that Afghanistan had been ranked in the top three of Transparency International's world corruption index. That is a shocking statistic.

So where does one start? I believe a sound government has to begin with a proper parliamentary opposition. Only when there is the political will to listen to the people and act on their behalf with honesty and integrity can things begin to improve in Afghanistan. This is my personal opinion, but it is one formed by talking to thousands of ordinary people. Many Afghans have given up hope and have resigned themselves to ever having an honest government. But they deserve so much more.

Afghans have been fed a diet of rubbish politics for thirty years, and so it is no wonder the political health of this nation has suffered. As a country, we are politically malnourished and our national growth has been stunted as a consequence. This is beginning to change, though. I have several political colleagues who are genuinely listening to the electorate and acting with honesty and integrity. And in doing so, they are winning the respect and trust of the people.

Much of Afghanistan's success as a democracy hinges on two factors. The first is education. All children, both boys and girls, must receive a decent, affordable education. They need it for their personal future, but they also need it to make informed decisions about the future of their country. The second is security. There needs to be law and order so that ordinary Afghan families can build their lives in safety and peace. And when the time comes to elect a government, they need to feel safe during the act of voting and safe in the knowledge that their vote actually counts. Afghans generally want the opportunity to elect their leaders. They don't, however, yet know what it means to have free and fair elections.

If a genuinely democratic government can be established, then I hope that with time all aspects of government, including the security forces, will form the backbone of a stable, free and just society. This involves something of a chicken and egg argument. Does security produce better government? Or does good governance produce security? The answer is probably both.

And what about the Taliban, who stand for both and neither at the same time? As I write this book, the world's powers are talking about withdrawal from Afghanistan. In my view, they are planning to withdraw before the job is finished and while war and conflict still blight our land. This conflict could at any point explode on an international scale. The warning that the great Ahmad Shah Massoud gave the West that terrorism would come to its shores is more relevant than ever. Unless our international friends start to work on a wider regional approach to tackle the Taliban issue, then the dangers to the world remain.

Recently, there have been many talks about Taliban reconciliation and reintegration into the government. Much of this process has been led by the international community and its purpose is to serve the agenda of withdrawing their troops as quickly as possible. But that is a mistake. It is another short-term quick fix that will do nothing to solve the world's problems, only store them up and make them worse for another day.

The Taliban will argue that their form of conservative Islam is the only form of government Afghanistan needs, and that they alone can bring stability to the country. But it has been clearly demonstrated that their interpretation of education and health-care policy greatly oppresses at least half the population. And their views on security and justice bear no resemblance to what most people want or expect. Should they be given a political voice? I suppose that under the type of democratic system I believe in, everybody has a say in politics. But that is the point: politics is about talking, reasoning and persuading. It is hard to see how the Taliban will ever sit in a parliament alongside female politicians like me.

The Taliban frequently try to murder me by any means possible. And not only me. They make regular attempts on the lives of many other Afghan men and women—intellectuals, journalists, opponents and friends of the West. Are the Taliban people who will ever understand or respect what democracy means? I doubt it. Will they really be willing to share power with those who do not share their ideals? Will they sit in debates with us and try to reach a common ground? Will they support new legislation or ideas put forward by me or other women? The answer is no. And it is naive of the international community to think this is possible. So much has been done in recent years to support and enhance the overall progress of Afghan women. Bringing the Taliban back into the government will undo all of that.

As I drive through Kabul, I always smile when I see the beautiful sight of little girls dressed in the school uniform of black shalwar kameez and white head scarves. Within the past decade, hundreds of thousands of little girls, including my own daughters, have gained the opportunity to be educated. This not only gives them the chance of a future but also improves the future economic and physical health of their families. This in turn helps our entire nation grow stronger and powerful. If the Taliban return, these little girls will once again be forced back indoors and silenced underneath their burkas and a set of arcane laws that accord women fewer rights than dogs. Our nation will once again slide backwards into darkness. To allow this to happen would be a betrayal of the highest order.

In October 2010, I won a second term in the parliament. I had not let my people down and, despite widespread fraud and cheating on the part of some of my opponents, I got even more votes than I did the first time.

I was also thrilled that my elder sister Qandigul (known as Maryam to her family) was elected as an MP. She is the sister who was beaten by the Mujahideen the night my mother refused to show them where my father's weapons were hidden. She was illiterate and did not attend school as a child (I was the only female member of my family allowed to do so). But after she married and had children, she watched as I gained my education and saw what I had achieved. She too wanted to serve our country and do something important with her life. So she decided to educate herself. She started by going to night school to take computer and literacy classes and a few years later she graduated with a university degree. Now she is an MP like me and the latest member of the Koofis to take her place in the family business of politics. I am immensely proud of her achievements and I know she will work hard in her new role.

During the latest elections, there were even more threats on my life: gunmen trailing my car, roadside bombs laid along my route, warnings that I would be kidnapped. On the day of voting, two people were arrested who admitted they had planned to kidnap me, take me to a different district and then kill me. They had links to another local politician. That much was obvious because one of those arrested was the politician's relative. This man has since been released while the other remains in custody. I cannot explain why one of these men was released without charge after admitting his evil project. I can only say that due to my outspokenness, I cannot always rely on the support of our national security forces as much as I would like. Often I don't know who my would-be assassins are, whether they wear civilian clothes or official uniforms. At times in Kabul, I have had my car pulled off the road and been intimidated by our national intelligence forces, always without reason or explanation. This has become such a daily part of my life now. I will not say I am used to it—no one can ever get used to such threats—but I have learned to live with it.