Johann Sebastian Bach (88 page)

31.
Facsimile edition (Leipzig, 1981).

32.
NBR
, no. 35.

33.
Kobayashi 1995, p. 304, dates BWV 199 to August 27, 1713; for BWV 54, see
NBA/KB
I/8 (Wolff), p. 89.

34.
Reported by P. D. Kräuter in 1713 (
NBR, no. 312c).

35.
See Melamed-Sanders 1999; previously attributed to Reinhard Keiser. An extant libretto of the Passion points to a 1707 performance in Hamburg under Brauns.

36.
On March 22, 1714, Bach stood godfather for a son born to Weldig in Weissenfels (
BD
II, no. 68).

37.
BD
II, no. 39, p. 36.

38.
NBR
, no. 312c.

39.
See
NBR
, no. 59.

40.
NBR
, p. 307.

41.
NBR
, no. 350.

42.
Beißwenger, 1992, nos. I/A/2, I/F/2.

43.
NBR
, p. 435. The possibility of the friend's being Walther was suggested by Spitta I, p. 388.

44.
Primarily C. P. E. Bach and J. J. Quantz.

45.
NBR
, p. 434.

46.
NBR
, pp. 432–34.

47.
NBR
, pp. 438–39.

48.
NBR
, no. 306, p. 306.

49.
NBR
, p. 440.

50.
NBR
, no. 31.

51.
NBR
, no. 236.

52.
NBR
, no. 72.

53.
NBR
, p. 440.

54.
Dresdner Gelehrten Anzeigen
, 1798, no. 7 (
BJ
1983: 103).

C
HAPTER
6

1.
NBR
, no. 51.

2.
Der vollkommene Capell-Meister
(Hamburg, 1739), p. 483.

3.
“The courier to the organist in Weimar” received “fee and waiting money” (
NBR, no.
46a).

4.
NBR
, no. 491

5.
BD
, pp. 24f.

6.
Only ten miles south of Halle, up the Saale River and on the way to Weimar, Johann Friedrich Wender of Mühlhausen was at the time building his largest instrument ever (with sixty-six stops on four manuals and pedal) at the cathedral of Merseburg (see Kröhner 1995, p. 85). As Wender and Bach had known each other well since Arnstadt, Bach would have been aware of the Merseburg project. The cathedral organist and music director of the duke of Saxe-Merseburg was Georg Friedrich Kauffmann, a former student of Johann Heinrich Buttstedt in Erfurt and later among Bach's competitors for the St. Thomas cantorate in Leipzig.

7.
Friedrich Chrysander (
G. F. Händel
, vol. 1, Leipzig, 1858; “Joh. Seb. Bach und sein Sohn Wilhelm Friedemann in Halle, 1713–1768,”
Jahrbücher für musikalische Wissenschaft,
vol. 2, Leipzig, 1867) was the first to suggest Bach's involvement with the Halle organ project, and he even suggested that Bach wrote the specifications. Spitta (I, p. 521) points out that there is no evidence for the latter claim. There are, however, two related specification drafts, an anonymous one dated 1712
(Dispositio eines großen 16 füßigen Orgelwerckes
) and a later one signed by Cuntzius; see BDI, p. 160. Vladimir Stadnitschenko (“Studien zur Vokalmusik Friedrich Wilhelm Zachows,” Ph.D. diss., University of Freiburg/Breisgau, 1998, pp. 242–44) identifies some important concordances between Bach's Mühlhausen organ renovation plan and the Halle project, strongly suggesting that Bach indeed had some influence on the design of the Halle organ. Serauky 1939, pp. 479–83.

8.
NBR
, no. 46b.

9.
NBR
, no. 50.

10.
NBR
, nos. 46a and 47.

11.
None of the pieces that have for various reasons been considered (BWV 21, 61, and 63) show any evidence of originating in conjunction with Bach's Halle audition; for details, see Wollny 1994.

12.
Ibid., p. 31.

13.
NBR
, no. 48.

14.
NBR
, no. 306, p. 300.

15.
NBR
, no. 50.

16.
See
NBA/KBI/8 (Wolff), p. 114. On Franck's poetry, see Schulze, WBK1: 105–7.

17.
List b is undated, but must have originated from late 1714 or early 1715 because it includes Christoph Alt, who died in 1715. His son Philipp Samuel as well as Gottfried Blühnitz, though both on list a, do not appear on list b; they may not have counted among the full-time members.

18.
Terry 1993, pp. 91f.

19.
Cf. Johann Gottfried Walther,
Briefe
, ed. Klaus Beckmann and Hans-Joachim Schulze (Leipzig, 1987), p. 72, where the town organist reports about his playing the violin at court. Eight choirboys were regularly paid by the court treasury for handling the liturgical chant
(Choralsingen)
; see Jauernig 1950, p. 71.

20.
NBR
, no. 394.

21.
See
NBA/KBI/
8.1–2 (Wolff), p. 104. In 1713–15, Schubart was officially paid by the court of Duke Ernst August for copying services
(Musicalienschreiben).

22.
BD
II, nos. 69, 80;
NBR
, no. 53.

23.
To the original four-part string score of the sonata (v, va 1–2, vc), Bach added a separate part for
ripieno
violin, either immediately before the first performance or for a later Weimar performance. For this version, the string ensemble required six players; recorder and organ would bring the minimum total number to eight. Still more would be needed if the continuo group were to include bassoon and/or violone.

24.
Twenty-two trees were needed for beams and timberwork; the entire project was completed by December 1714 with the finishing of a copper roof (Jauernig 1950, pp. 64f.).

25.
A pound of soap purchased in July 1712 helped grease the machinery; see ibid., p. 63.

26.
Ibid., pp. 63f.

27.
In 1718, “six red-painted benches” were newly acquired for the
Capelle,
apparently to replace old ones (ibid., p. 70).

28.
As quoted by Schrammek 1988, p. 99.

29.
Gottgefälliges Kirchen-Opffer
(Darmstadt, 1711). On Lehms and Neumaster texts, see Schulze,
WBK
1: 101–5.

30.
Geistliches Singen und Spielen (Gotha, 1711).

31.
The court paid the members of the court capelle for mourning clothes (
BDII, no. 75).

32.
A calligraphic copy of the text has survived. On April 4, 1716, Franck, Bach, and two other court officials received, in conjunction with the preceding funeral service, unspecified shares of a substantial payment from the treasury of the Red Palace, totaling 45 florins 15 groschen (Glöckner 1985, p. 163).

33.
Cf. Dürr 1976, Hofmann 1993, Kobayashi 1995.

34.
On the early history of BWV 21, see BC A99a and Wolff 1996b.

35.
Cf. Dürr 1977, pp. 65 and 69; also Hofmann 1993, p. 29.

36.
NBR
, no. 54.

37.
Cf.
NBAIX/2; Beißwenger 1992; Kobayashi 1995; and Peter Wollny, book review
in
BJ1998: 209.

38.
NBR, no. 306, p. 300.

39.
This and the following quotations in
NBR
, pp. 441f. Quotations, like the others in this volume, are rendered in the 1820 English translation by A. F. C. Kollmann, which is reproduced in its entirety on pp. 419–82.

40.
See BWV 2, p. 530.

41.
In Birnbaum's reply to Scheibe: “Harmony becomes far more complete if all the voices collaborate to form it” (
NBR
, no. 344, p. 347); cf. Epilogue.

42.
For a more thorough analysis, see Wolff,
Essays
, Chapter 7.

43.
NBR
, no. 395.

44.
NBR
, p. 436. Mozart also used the clavichord to check the results of his composing activities.

45.
NBR
, no. 57.

46.
Jauernig 1959, pp. 102–4.

47.
Glöckner 1988, pp. 138.

48.
BD
II, no. 81.

49.
Jauernig 1950, p. 99.

50.
See Glöckner 1985, pp. 159–64, for the events related to Prince Johann Ernst's death, and Melamed 1993 for the possible performance on November 10 of the (lost) cantata “wir haben niest mit Fleisch und Blut.”

51.
BD
II, no. 77 (for the correct identification of the document, see Glöckner 1985).

52.
Smend, 1985, p. 187.

53.
Duchess Eleonore Wilhelmine herself may also have contributed to furthering connections between her brother and Bach; in August 1718, Bach asked her to be godmother to his son Leopold Augustus (
BD
II, no. 94).

54.
NBR
, no. 60.

55.
NBR
, nos. 63–65.

56.
See Glöckner 1995.

57.
Cf. BC D 1.

58.
See Telemann's autobiography, in Johann Mattheson,
Grundlage einer Ehrenpforte
(Hamburg, 1740), p. 364.

59.
NBR
, no. 70b.

60.
NBR
, no. 318.

61.
The oldest report appears in Birnbaum's “Defense” (
NBR
, no. 67). The most detailed source is the Obituary (
NBR
, pp. 301–2). And Marpurg indicated in 1786 that he heard the story directly from Bach. For a comparative reading of the reports, see Breig 1998.

62.
NBR
, no. 396, p. 408.

63.
Mattheson,
Grundlage einer Ehrenpforte
(Hamburg, 1740), p. 396.

64.
Fürstenau, 2:122. A medal bearing the image of King Augustus the Strong is listed in Marchand's estate (Busch 1996, p. 175).

65.
NBR
, pp. 300–2.

66.
Titon du Tillet,
Le Parnass françois
(Paris, 1732), p. 658: “Il ne dependoit que de lui de faire une fortune considerable, mais son esprit incertain et sa conduite des plus singulieres lui empêcherent des profiter de toutes les occasions favorables qui se presentoient”—quoted after Busch 1996, p. 175.

67.
NBR,
no. 67; cf. also
BD
I, no. 6. Forkel apparently errs when he reports that Bach “was not the challenger in this case, but the challenged” (
NBR
, no. 459).

68.
Probably Guillaume Marchand (see D. Fuller, in
New Grove
11:655).

69.
Fürstenau, 2: 101–21.

70.
NBR
, no. 395.

71.
NBR
, no. 68.

72.
The pertinent records, referred to (“vid. acta”) in the document cited, are lost. Points of contention might have been Bach's participation and nonparticipation, respectively, in the bicentennial celebrations of the Lutheran Reformation in late October 1717 and in the upcoming Christmas services.

73.
The document regarding Bach's arrest, unknown to Spitta, was found by Paul von Bojanowsky (
Das Weimar Johann Sebastian Bachs
, Weimar, 1903) and then first used in Albert Schweitzer's 1905 biography. Terry 1993, p. 114, speculates (erroneously) that Bach wrote the
Orgel-Büchlein
in jail.

74.
See
NBR
, no. 315;
NBR
, no. 370; see also
NBA
/
KBV/6.1, p. 187.

75.
NBR, nos. 71–73.

76.
Küster 1996, pp. 202f.

C
HAPTER
7

1.
NBR
, no. 72.

2.
Court councillor and chamberlain Johann Christoph Laurentius, the highest paid official, earned 540 talers; only privy councillor von Zanthier (500) and court marshal von Nostiz (484) earned more than the capellmeister (see Hoppe 1986, p. 39).

3.
NBR
, no. 70.

4.
That is, twice Stricker's salary; Cöthen salary payments were made at the end of every month, not quarterly. Extra allowances brought Bach's salary up to about 450 talers.