Incitement (23 page)

One event had particularly impacted him.

Wallace had been coming back from a business trip and stopped in an airport lounge for a drink. While he was sipping his scotch, his eyes were drawn to a news report playing on the muted
television above the bar. The images were from someone’s phone and showed a little girl’s body sprawled on the pavement. Emergency response personnel were at the scene. Wallace asked
the barman to turn up the volume and he heard how four-year-old Marsha Corley had fallen from the fifth-storey fire escape to her death. She and two younger children had been left by their mother
four days before when she had headed off to search for her next fix. After the food they had been left had run out, the report explained, they had become desperate. The little girl, unable to open
the main door to the apartment, had resorted to the fire escape in an attempt to call for help. Since then images of Marsha, interspersed with memories of his granddaughter, had haunted him.

“To discuss the ailing Plan Coca, I’m joined by Dr Robert Holmes, author of a series of books on the international drugs trade, and Senator Charles Dalton, a
passionate Plan Coca advocate.”

Leonard Boswell, host of Behind the Headlines, paused a moment as if he was pondering the serious issue at hand. “Dr Holmes, let’s start by looking at the recent revelations
regarding the involvement of US companies in military operations on Colombian soil; what’s the situation as we currently understand it?”

Holmes had a weather-beaten face topped with an untidy mop of grey hair and slouched so much that he looked in danger of slipping from his chair.

“There are five US companies which have contracts with the State Department as part of the Plan,” the author responded. “The contracts account for more than fifty per cent
of their revenue.”

“Are these companies effectively providing state-approved mercenary services to the Colombian government?”

“Absolutely,” replied Holmes. “That’s the stock-in-trade of these companies, their stated business; a well-established business.”

“Rubbish,” countered Dalton. “These are professional companies engaged in the provision of expert training services under controlled conditions, nothing
more.”

“Controlled enough to have had five of their employees killed a short time ago?” Holmes retorted.

Before Dalton could come back, Boswell cut across him. “Senator, there was strong reaction to the incident Dr Holmes is referring to. A fumigation run which went terribly wrong and
resulted in the death of a number of US citizens working for the contract companies. Were we guilty of overreaction?”

“No, of course not. The deaths were tragic,” the Senator replied, “but it would only compound the tragedy if we were to allow them to be used by opportunists whose only
interest is in undermining Plan Coca.”

“So, the issue of these companies conducting business in Colombia has been blown out of proportion?” Boswell asked Holmes.

“Well, I don’t know about that but, certainly, if people want to examine aspects of Plan Coca there are other places they could start.”

“And where would that be?”

Dalton fidgeted in his seat.

“I think the biggest problem is the Plan’s obvious failure to address the human rights violations which the Colombian paramilitaries continue to commit,” Holmes
said.

“But isn’t one of the Plan’s main remits to eliminate FARC and the ELN?”

“It’s not them I’m referring to. There’s overwhelming proof that a number of other paramilitary organisations are operating under the direction of the Colombian
Military. The well-intentioned policies of the US administration are being used by elements in the Colombian power structure for their own ends.”

“There’s no ‘overwhelming proof’, simply a lot of unsubstantiated claims,” Dalton shot back.

“Can you give any hard examples?” Boswell demanded of Holmes.

“Well, there’ve been numerous occasions where US equipment provided to the Colombian army has ended up in the hands of these organisations. Independent humanitarian organisations
have verified these weapons were subsequently used to slaughter innocent people.”

Before Dalton could question Holmes’ claim, Boswell interrupted again.

“If the US government were to insist that all links between the Colombian military and these groups were severed, would this address your concerns?”

Holmes shook his head, “Unfortunately, there’s strong circumstantial evidence that the majority, as much as seventy-five per cent of the Colombian command, have been directly
implicated, by action or omission, in the campaigns of death squads.”

“This is ridiculous,” the furious Dalton exploded. “I can’t believe the viewers out there are believing this nonsense for a second. What are you saying? That the
United States of America is knowingly aiding paramilitary death squads?”

“I want to be clear that I’m not suggesting for a second that either US Forces or particular politicians who support the Plan are in any way involved,” Holmes said, shaking
his head. “But don’t you think it’s worrying that no one in the State Department would be aware of this collusion?”

“What’s the precise nature of this circumstantial evidence you refer to?” Boswell asked him.

“Consider how often the right-wing paramilitaries have moved in perfect sync with the Colombian army’s Plan Coca manoeuvres. Time and again the army announces it’s about to
target an area that its unofficial allies have already established a presence in. The paramilitaries operate as an advance guard, quashing the organised civilian opposition to the crop
eradication.”

Boswell was facing Holmes by this stage, apparently absorbed by what the author had to say, with his back practically turned to the Senator. Dalton could see that it was quickly becoming a
two-way exchange, an exchange which he realised would further damage Plan Coca’s public perception. Unfortunately, there was no civil way in which he could re-assert his presence and the Plan
would not benefit by its strongest champion appearing ill-mannered or aggressive. He resolved to sit tight in the hope that the normally even-handed Boswell would give him a chance to rebut
Holmes’ claims.

“And what would you contend is behind the paramilitary’s actions?” the presenter asked.

“Greed. There’s the obvious greed involved in controlling areas which can produce such abundant quantities of coca and opium but there’s also the fortunes which stand to be
made from the planned infrastructural development.”

“How would that work?”

“Half a billion dollars has been earmarked as part of Plan Coca to develop the area specifically hit by the Plan. This is a laudable attempt by the US Government to ensure that the
people hit most heavily by fumigation and crop eradication are helped.”

“So the areas which are supposed to benefit from the aid have suddenly become incredibly valuable?” Boswell offered.

“Exactly, the paramilitaries and those who back them want to move the people out of these areas so that they’re the ones to benefit from this windfall.”

“Well, you’ve certainly raised some points which one hopes will be addressed by the pro-Plan contingent,” Boswell said, turning to Dalton, leading the Senator to believe he
was going to get his opportunity to point out the flaws in Holmes’ assertions until the host continued, “Now, onto another worrying aspect of the Plan, the link many of its critics have
established between it and the ongoing violence in our major cities. Senator, Paul Forester writing today in the Washington Tribune quotes unnamed Capitol Hill sources who maintain that the DEA has
been aware that the Colombian cartels have been engaged in a war with their European counterparts for some time. Your reaction?”

One of Dalton’s aides had mentioned the article briefly before they had gone on the air but there had been no warning that Boswell would raise it. Totally unprepared, nonetheless he
had to attempt an answer.

“Well, it may be that the European crime syndicates have seen how much Plan Coca has weakened the Colombian cartels and are seeking to exploit the situation but ...”

“In fact, Mr Forester contends that the feud between these drug superpowers may be more to blame for the drug shortages of recent months and that the apparent successes of Plan Coca
have been unfairly flattering.”

“That’s preposterous. The success of Plan Coca has been well established and is a matter of record. All of this is pure conjecture coming from the anti-Plan camp.”

“I see ... Well, thank you Senator, Doctor, I’m sure we’ll be returning to Plan Coca quite soon.” The camera closed in, blocking out the shot of the two guests to
focus on a head-and-shoulders shot of Boswell. “Now, when we return after the break, we’ll have Andrew Pryor with us for our weekly look at the markets.”

Andrew Brewer hurried through the park, oblivious to the happy scenes playing out around him. Kids threw frisbee, joggers and power walkers went about their circuits
industriously, and all around small groups of people lay on the grass soaking up the sunshine. They may as well have been invisible. He hated these meetings. It would have been preferable if they
could have conducted all communication remotely, but these personal contacts served a vital purpose of reassuring both parties of the other’s continued commitment. It didn’t help him
that there was nothing obviously suspicious in them being seen together. There were countless plausible reasons why they might be meeting but he knew why they actually
were
meeting.

As usual his advance team had vouched for the security of the location, a location he had chosen himself. His appointment had arrived alone fifteen minutes earlier and multiple sweeps of the
park had been performed. The other man reclined on a park bench, head back and eyes closed, enjoying the good weather. Sensing Brewer’s approach, he stood to greet him and suggested a stroll
along one of the park’s paths.

“Well,” Brewer’s companion began, “favourable reports from Colombia. The pipelines have been free of attack for six weeks now. The pressure the Alliance is under has
effectively crippled the rebels. I’d be surprised if they last out the year. I think it’s time to start tying up loose ends.”

“Sooner the better,” agreed Brewer.

“A quick run-through on the other objectives. Madrigal first. He’s very vulnerable. A leadership challenge is imminent. This time the challenge will succeed!”

“Serves the bastard right,” smiled Brewer viciously. “All he had to do was play ball but he insisted on sticking his nose into areas that didn’t concern him. Once
he’s out of the way, with the new territories we’ve gained, it should be no time at all before production’s running at an all-time high.”

“For there to be any point in revamping production, the hostilities will have to stop,” the other stressed. “Steps are being taken to persuade the Kosovars to desist but
they’ll have to see that the Alliance is also stopping.”

“With the Alliance in such disarray, I can’t see why that wouldn’t be forthcoming. They all desperately need a chance to get revenues flowing again.”

“Yes,” he agreed, “but we’ll only get one shot at a ceasefire, so Larsen needs to be reined in. Can you take care of that?”

“Of course. I assume he’ll need to be eliminated?” Brewer asked, failing to hide his enthusiasm.

“Leave that to me, all you need is to stall his next operation; give me some time.”

“Are you sure? I’ve handled all of the field operations to date; I can set something up with one phone call.”

“No, you’re doing enough already. I’ll deal with him.”

Brewer would have preferred to plan Larsen’s death himself. He suspected the other man did not trust his objectivity where the Dane was concerned.

“Okay, if you insist,” Brewer said.

“I know Larsen’s potential and we need to be sure about this. If he were to learn ...” He drifted for a moment before he snapped himself out of it. “Anyway, returning to
our objectives, between the negative press following the contractors’ deaths, which you so ably organised, and the coverage of the drug feud, Plan Coca’s in tatters.”