Henry IV (78 page)

¹
SAC II
, 220–5;
Concilia
, iii.242;
Records of Convocation IV
, 201 (clause 29).

²
SAC II
, 244–5. He claimed that his voice was so frail that it could not be heard, which was no small consideration for a speaker. Cheyne seems to have enjoyed embarrassingly good health for the rest of the reign, however, serving as a privy councillor for six years and as the king's ambassador to France and the Curia.

³
For Lollardy see Hudson,
The Premature Reformation
; R. Rex,
The Lollards
(Basingstoke, 2002).

⁴
Concilia
, iii.238–45.

⁵
Saul,
Richard II
, 299, 322; A. Tuck, ‘Carthusian Monks and Lollard Knights’, in
Studies in the Age of Chaucer I: Reconstructing Chaucer
, ed. P. Strohm and T. J. Heffernan (Knoxville, 1985), 149–61; B. Thompson, ‘The Laity, the Alien Priories, and the Redistribution of Ecclesiastical Property’, in
England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings of the 1992 Harlaxton Symposium
, ed. N. Rogers (Stamford, 1994), 19–41.

⁶
Above, pp. 352–4, for provisors;
PROME
, vii.274; viii.125, 194, 386 (pluralism and non-residence); viii.192; ix.45–6.

⁷
For appropriations (or ‘impropriations’) see Foulser, ‘The Influence of Lollardy’, 189–201; W. Jordan,
Philanthropy in England 1480–1660
(London, 1959), 81–2. The sixth article of the 1395 Lollard manifesto severely criticized appropriations, citing the disapprobation of Robert Grosseteste.

⁸
The parishes were Liskeard, Linkinhorne and Talland (
PROME
, vii.213; viii.203–4); Storey, ‘Clergy and Common Law’, 384–90; Heath,
Church and Realm
, 264–5 (Boniface issued 155 bulls of appropriation for England, 130 of them to religious houses and the ‘vast majority’ between 1397 and 1402).

⁹
SAC II
, 346–9;
ANLP
, no. 282 (June 1403, not 1402);
PROME
, viii.190, 272 (confirmation of January 1404). For a vehement mid-fifteenth century attack on appropriations, see Gascoigne,
Loci e Libro
, 106–15.

¹⁰
Rex,
The Lollards
, 27–38, 51.

¹¹
Notably in 1371 and 1385: M. Aston, ‘Caim's Castles: Poverty, Politics and Disendowment’, in
The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century
, ed. R. Dobson (Gloucester, 1984), 45–81.

¹²
Above, pp. 287–9;
SAC II
, 478–81, 794–9; Wolffe,
Royal Demesne
, 245–7.

¹³
SAC II
, 584–8;
Selections from English Wycliffite Writings
, ed. A. Hudson (Cambridge, 1978), 135–7, 203–7.

¹⁴
The 1410 parliament ordered all concerned with cure of souls (
curati
) back to their parishes to maintain hospitality, leading to a great exodus from the courts of the king, nobles, bishops and their houses in London (
CE
, 417).

¹⁵
See Wilks,
Wyclif
, 199: ‘If Wycliffism meant essentially the assertion of lay supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, then the chroniclers were perfectly entitled to scream that a substantial proportion of all England had become Lollard by 1380’.

¹⁶
J. Hughes,
Pastors and Visionaries
(Woodbridge, 1988), 174–250, and ‘Arundel, Thomas’,
ODNB
, 2.564–10; in 1409 Arundel joined the Carthusian fraternity of Mount Grace; cf. also I. Forrest,
The Detection of Heresy in Late Medieval England
(Oxford, 2005), 237–9.

¹⁷
Nicholas Love,
The Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ
, ed. M. Sargent (Exeter, 2005), 54–7 (Sargent suggests, p. 89, some form of official dissemination of Love's work); W. N. Beckett, ‘Nicholas Love’,
ODNB
, 34.502–3.

¹⁸
Wyclif, he declared, was
in mala hora natus
(Lambeth Palace Library,
Arundel Register
, fo. 47r).

¹⁹
Catto, ‘Wyclif and Wycliffism’, 242–4;
SAC II
, 478–81.

²⁰
PROME
, viii.361; M. Jurkowski, ‘The Arrest of William Thorpe in Shrewsbury and the Anti-Lollard Statute of 1406’,
HR
75 (2002), 273–95. It was unprecedented for an archbishop of Canterbury also to serve as chancellor; in 1396, Arundel had resigned the chancellorship when he became primate. The specious linking of ecclesiastical reformers with those claiming that Richard II was still alive was designed to make the statute doubly acceptable to Henry and his family.

²¹
A. Hudson, ‘William Thorpe’,
ODNB
, 54.675–6.

²²
Lambeth Palace Library, Arundel Register, fos. 44–7; Catto, ‘Wyclif and Wycliffism’, 232–43; Aston,
Thomas Arundel
, 333.

²³
Printed in
Records of Convocation IV
, 311–18; McNiven,
Heresy and Politics
, 104–7.

²⁴
P. Cavill, ‘Heresy, Law and the State: Forfeiture in Late Medieval and Early Modern England’,
EHR
129 (2014), 270–95, at p. 276.

²⁵
There had also been a clampdown on heresy at Oxford in 1382 (McNiven,
Heresy and Politics
, 37–41). In 1401 Arundel investigated Cambridge, but found it untainted by heresy (Hughes,
Pastors and Visionaries
, 247).

²⁶
McNiven,
Heresy and Politics
, 154–7; Catto, ‘Wyclif and Wycliffism’, 246.

²⁷
Above, p. 370;
PROME
, viii.464–5.

²⁸
SAC II
, 801 (they had turned their backs on a priest giving the last rites to a dying man).

²⁹
SAC II
, 580–3;
Records of Convocation IV
, 362–7; McNiven,
Heresy and Politics
, 199–219;
Foedera
, viii.627.

³⁰
CE
, 416–17 (the devil was sometimes compared to a spider in the way he set traps for the unwitting).

³¹
Hoccleve,
Regement of Princes
, 11–12.

³²
Below, pp. 488–90 (Oxford).

³³
J. Thomson, ‘John Oldcastle, Baron Cobham’,
ODNB
, 41.668–72; cf. R. Davies, ‘Thomas Arundel as Archbishop of Canterbury 1396–1413’,
Journal of Ecclesiastical History
24 (1973), 9–21, at p. 20 (‘Arundel took Lollardy seriously, perhaps too seriously’).

³⁴
Her own words; she also wrote warmly of Philip Repingdon, who ‘welcomed her dearly’, commended her feelings and advised her to write them down, gave her two marks to buy clothes, and was generous in almsgiving:
The Book of Margery Kempe
, ed. B. Windeatt (Woodbridge, 2004), 72, 105–11, 237.

³⁵
McFarlane,
Lancastrian Kings
, 219–20.

³⁶
SAC II
, 380–5, 418–25, 460–3, 591, 795–803.

³⁷
PROME
, viii.361–2.

³⁸
SAC II
, 248–9.

³⁹
CE
, 392.

⁴⁰
Above, pp. 363–5, and Jacob,
Conciliar Essays
, 72–5, for his interest in reform at the Council of Pisa.

⁴¹
RHKA
, 192–3; Repingdon may have shared Henry's exile (
CR
, 126–7, 135). For his letter to Henry of May 1401 and his recantation in 1382, above, p. 208. After the battle of Shrewsbury, Henry sent Repingdon a ring from his finger to show he was alive and had defeated his enemies.

⁴²
Catto, ‘Wyclif and Wycliffism’, 238–40; A. Hudson, ‘The Debate on Bible Translation, Oxford 1401’,
EHR
90 (1975), 1–18.

⁴³
S. Forde, ‘Social Outlook and Preaching in a Wycliffite
Sermones Dominicales
Collection’, in
Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to John Taylor
, ed. I. Wood and G. Loud (London, 1991), 179–91. These sermons were probably not for oral delivery but didactic tracts.

⁴⁴
S. Forde, ‘Repyndon, Philip’,
ODNB
, 46.503–5. In fact he was buried in Lincoln cathedral.

⁴⁵
Nichols,
Collection of Wills
, 203; Catto, ‘Religion and the English Nobility’; McFarlane,
Lancastrian Kings
, 207–20.

⁴⁶
Goodman,
John of Gaunt
, 241–65; D. Codling, ‘Henry IV and Personal Piety’,
History Today
(2007), 23–9; E 101/404/21, fos. 35–7; BL Harleian Ms 319, fos. 40r–v; he also gave Carthusian Mount Grace £100 a year: E 403/571, 11 November.

⁴⁷
Forrest,
Detection of Heresy
, 123;
CCR 1396–9
, 523–4;
Foedera
, viii.189;
PROME
, viii.195–6;
CE
, 389–94, 403–5;
RHL
, ii.179. Henry moderated the commons demand to restrict entry to the fraternal orders in 1402.

⁴⁸
SAC II
, 646, 758–60; one of the few good things that the monk of Evesham could say of Richard II was that he favoured the Benedictines:
Vita
, 167.

⁴⁹
Henry allowed French monks to return to more than thirty alien priories in 1399: A. McHardy, ‘The Effects of War on the Church: The Case of the Alien Priories in the Fourteenth Century’, in
England and her Neighbours 1066–1453: Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais
, ed. M. Jones and M. Vale (London, 1989), 277–95. He also may have agreed to found three monastic houses as expiation for Scrope's death: N. Beckett, ‘Sheen Charterhouse from its Foundation to its Dissolution’ (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, Oxford, 1992, 92–101).

⁵⁰
Fotheringhay was a joint foundation with Edward of York, the son of Edmund, planned in March 1411 and effected in the November 1411 parliament; it was for a master, twelve chaplains, eight clerks and thirteen choristers – a large college – and endowed mainly with lands from alien priories (
PROME
, viii.526–32;
CPR 1408–13
, 358;
CPL
, vi.190). Pontefract was for a warden, six chaplains and an almshouse for thirteen paupers; originally planned in 1385, it was completed with help from the king shortly after Knolles's death. Henry emphasized in 1408 that ‘the king is at present the founder and he and his heirs the dukes of Lancaster will be for ever founders’ – the location of the college at Pontefract doubtless determining the insistence on Lancastrian patronage (E 159/182,
Brevia, rot. 2d; CPR 1405–8
, 182, 297, 319;
Calendar of Scrope's Register
, i.44;
CPR 1408–13
, 32, 74).

⁵¹
CPR 1408–13
, 50–1; Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iii.239–43;
Antient Kalendars
, ii.78–9; Priestley,
The Battle of Shrewsbury
, 20–2.

⁵²
The Late Medieval English College and its Context
, ed. C. Burgess and M. Heale (Woodbridge, 2008); see especially the chapters by Heale (pp. 67–86) and Burgess (3–27), who suggests that colleges also appealed to national sentiment in an age of warfare.

⁵³
CPR 1399–1401
, 209;
Foedera
, viii.296; Abbot Cummins, ‘Knaresborough Cave-Chapels’,
Yorkshire Archaeological Journal
28 (1926), 80–8; Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iv.144.
Scotichronicon
, 269–75.

⁵⁴
De Illustribus Henricis
, 110–11.

⁵⁵
Lambeth Palace Library, Ms 78 (my thanks to Rob Bartlett for this reference).

⁵⁶
CPR 1401–5
, 248;
CPL
, v.459–60; M. Curley, ‘John of Bridlington’,
ODNB
, 30.194–6; BL Harleian Ms 319, fo. 27v (visit to Walsingham in 1406); and see above, p. 73.

⁵⁷
Johannis Lelandi
, vi.300.

⁵⁸
BL Royal Ms 1 E ix; and see below, p. 388.

⁵⁹
Green,
Edward the Black Prince
, 167. Henry was buried in the Trinity Chapel at Canterbury and his memorial service was held on Trinity Sunday. For his interest in individual religious, see, for example, E 28/7, no. 24; SC 1/57/21.

⁶⁰
H. Summerson, ‘An English Bible and Other Books belonging to Henry IV’,
BJRL
79 (1997), 109–15;
Johannis Lelandi
, vi.300–1;
De Illustribus Henricis
, 108–9. For Henry and Oxford, see below, pp. 488–90.

⁶¹
Cf. J. Catto, ‘Religious Change under Henry V’, in
Henry V: The Practice of Kingship
, ed. Harris, 115.

Part Four

LANCASTRIAN KINGSHIP

Chapter 25

THE KING AND HIS IMAGE

The chronicler John Strecche, a canon of Kenilworth priory who saw Henry as a potentially great but flawed king, penned the following portrait of him: ‘This King Henry was elegantly built, of great strength, a vigorous knight, brave in arms, wise and circumspect in his youthful behaviour, always fortunate in battle, successful in his deeds and gloriously victorious everywhere, brilliant at music, marvellously learned and most upright in morals.’
¹

Henry's credentials as a warrior were not in doubt; more striking is Strecche's claim for his musicianship. The employment of between four and ten minstrels in his household was no more than would be expected of any great noble, but his gifts to two ‘singing clerks’ of Gaunt's chapel in 1392 and to an unspecified number of clerks to sing for his younger sons at Kenilworth in 1397–8 are suggestive of an interest in polyphony.
²
Singing was always at the heart of the medieval chapel royal, but the first half of the fifteenth century saw its musical accomplishments reach new heights, supported by a surge in the number of chaplains there and at St George's College, Windsor. Although most of the evidence for this dates from Henry V's reign, it was a process that began under his father, who in turn was influenced both by Gaunt's patronage of noted musicians and by the polyphonic style now in vogue.
³