Harold (23 page)

The sympathy of King Edward and Queen Edith for Tosti is clearly recorded. The positions of Gyrth and Leofwine are unknown but it is possible that Gyrth was close to his brother Tosti as he is frequently associated with him in the sources. Thus he was in Tosti’s company during the family’s exile in 1051–2, and again on the visit to Rome in 1061. In an obscure reference in the
Vita Eadwardi
, Tosti’s mother, Gytha, would be described as sorrowing over his exile. In spite of this sympathy for Tosti from the king and members of his family, all these individuals were eventually persuaded, probably in part by Harold but largely by the stark facts of the situation, that Tosti could not remain as Earl of Northumbria. Indeed, they were also persuaded that since he refused to accept his deposition he should be exiled. Gyrth and Leofwine appear to have accepted Tosti’s downfall without a murmur, and thereafter supported Harold with complete loyalty until they fell together at Hastings. There are no indications in any sources that either brother considered supporting Tosti instead of Harold and this strongly suggests there existed no suspicion concerning Harold’s actions on their part. King Edward is recorded in Chronicle D as finally agreeing to the terms of the northern rebels. Although the
Vita Eadwardi
shows that both he and Queen Edith were deeply upset by Tosti’s fall, it nevertheless makes clear that they accepted it, however reluctantly. All of this would seem to indicate that Harold was not purposefully using the rebellion to rid himself of Tosti, but was forced to act as he did as a result of it.
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Eventually, King Edward had to accept the northern rebels’ terms. The alternative was civil war, which no one was prepared to countenance. Tosti was deposed and replaced by Morcar, the rebels were pardoned and the laws of Cnut renewed, the latter point no doubt signifying the withdrawal of the additional tax demands. Harold returned to Northampton soon after the council of 28 October to give the rebels surety for this settlement, and the immediate crisis was resolved. Tosti appears to have been outlawed a short time later, possibly early in November, apparently because he refused to accept his deposition as commanded by Edward. This seems clear from his accusations against his brother and his subsequent attempts to restore his fortunes by any means possible. Domesday Book preserves notices of land forfeited by Tosti at this time at Bayford in Hertfordshire and Chalton in Bedfordshire. Thereafter, Tosti took ship with his wife and family and some loyal
thegns
and sailed for Flanders and refuge with his brother-in-law, Count Baldwin V.
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It was now, in November 1065, that King Edward’s health began to fail and he fell into his final decline. Domesday Book records a legal judgement made late in 1065 which was due to be implemented by the king at the imminent Christmas court but which was left unenforced by his rapid decline and demise. As a result, Harold, who is described by John of Worcester as
sub regulus
and by William of Poitiers as second to the king, probably took more and more direct control of the government into his own hands. As he did so, he found himself faced with a dilemma.
Atheling
Edgar, the natural heir to the kingdom, was still too young and inexperienced to take charge of a kingdom, especially one under direct military threat. William of Normandy was at this time free of any rivals or entanglements in northern France and ready to press his claims by force, as Harold was only too well aware from his recent visit. Harold’s own brother Tosti was in exile in Flanders, from where he was already planning, like his father before him, to launch a bid to restore his fortunes in England. The
Vita Eadwardi
mentions Flemish knights being placed in his service by Count Baldwin. In addition, Harold was possibly unsure of how much he could rely on Earls Edwin and Morcar under these looming threats. These were the problems which faced Harold as time passed on towards the new year of 1066 and King Edward’s strength ebbed slowly away.
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It was probably these circumstances which finally convinced Harold of the need to consider what was a radical solution to the difficulties facing both him and the kingdom. In order to safeguard the kingdom and his own power he needed to control the throne itself as the centre of power, wealth and influence in England. He could achieve this by becoming the power behind a new King Edgar, as he had done with Edward, but this would still leave room for rival voices to counsel the immature young king. Harold must have had time to study this young man since his arrival in 1057, and he may already have seen signs of what seems to have been a weak character. Certainly, Edgar was to spend much of his later career being buffeted by events though this may simply be a feature of what were very troubled times. If Harold was absent on campaign with the army, as seemed likely to be the case, others might undermine his position with the young king. It must have seemed obvious that the solution was for Harold to become king himself and control the centre of power directly. It cannot be doubted that this was a radical proposal. Harold was the first and only member of the English nobility known to have attempted to gain the throne. Indeed, apart from the Danes Swein and Cnut, no one outside Alfred’s dynasty had ever held the kingship.

It was probably now that Harold began to make serious preparations for the possibility of his own succession to the throne. Naturally, there were many things to be done before this would be possible. If Harold wished to ascend the throne he would have to convince others that he was a preferable choice to the rightful heir,
Atheling
Edgar. The continued backing of his brothers Gyrth and Leofwine even after Tosti’s fall proved that their loyalty was secure. This meant that only the two northern earls, Edwin and Morcar, possessed the necessary military power required to enforce the young
atheling
’s claims against Harold. If the northern earls opposed him, this could result in a civil war between Harold’s supporters and those of Edgar, with the added threat of William of Normandy poised to intervene and seize the throne for himself. We have already seen that no one in England wished for such a result, and so Harold must now have begun discreetly to secure his own support and to persuade the northern earls to join him and abandon any thoughts of supporting
Atheling
Edgar. The obvious occasion to do this was during the Christmas court of 1065 in London.

The court held at this major Christian festival was usually attended by a large number of English nobles and churchmen. Attendance was probably swollen on this occasion by news of Edward’s declining health and the need to consider the succession. Fortunately, there are two later Westminster diplomas which appear to reflect genuine contemporary witness lists of 28 December 1065. These indicate that besides the king and queen, both archbishops, eight bishops, eight abbots, all five earls and the usual nobles of the court were all present. This list derives some confirmation from the fact that it includes those later in attendance at Edward’s deathbed and who were at the Christmas court just prior to this. It is clear that no representative of Duke William arrived to push his claim to the throne at this time. This may be a result of the swiftness of Edward’s decline from being stricken with illness in November 1065 to his death on 5 January 1066. William of Poitiers speaks of the report of Edward’s death coming ‘unexpectedly’ to Normandy, which rather casts doubt on his earlier statement that Edward was severely ill in 1064 and so sent Harold to Normandy to confirm William’s succession to the throne. If Edward had been ill then surely William would have expected his death at any time thereafter, and would have had a representative in attendance at court at this time.
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Harold worked hard to canvass support among those gathered at this court, employing his great diplomatic skills to win them over. He could rely on his remaining brothers Gyrth and Leofwine. Queen Edith, his sister, had previously favoured Tosti, as is clearly reflected in the
Vita Eadwardi
and confirmed by William of Poitiers, who transforms this into a hatred of Harold. However, Queen Edith would soon find herself entirely dependent on Harold’s favour as a childless royal widow and could not therefore afford to act openly against him. The real necessity for Harold was to win Earls Edwin and Morcar over to his side, and he already had some advantage in this. There is no evidence of any ill-will between Harold and the earls, such as existed between them and Tosti. It was Harold who had persuaded the king to accept Morcar as Earl of Northumbria thereby adding immensely to his family’s power and prestige. The two earls may have been persuaded by Harold’s arguments about the problems of the succession of the youthful
Atheling
Edgar; they showed a reluctance to support the latter even after Harold’s death. However, the crucial factor in winning them over was probably a pledge by Harold not to restore Tosti to influence in England. This would secure the brothers’ new-found power and influence. The discussions must also have involved the proposal of a marriage alliance to bind the earls and Harold together. The marriage of Harold to Alditha, sister of the two earls, is undated but must have taken place between the death of Gruffydd of Wales on 5 August 1063 and Harold’s own death on 14 October 1066. This period of negotiation seems the most likely time for such a marriage to be discussed.
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The success of Harold in winning the support of the earls was the vital part of his diplomatic offensive, but it was not the only element. He had also to persuade the senior churchmen, the bishops and archbishops, whose support would provide the necessary religious sanction for his succession. In particular, he needed to win over the two archbishops, who alone could perform the coronation ceremony. They could not oppose him by force, but could either secure or undermine his legitimacy by granting or withholding God’s grace at his coronation. Harold clearly must have brought his diplomatic skills to bear on these men and managed to overcome any objections they may have had to this setting aside of the established succession of
Atheling
Edgar. Archbishop Stigand, a practical man of the world, whose great personal wealth was based on royal service, would be anxious to secure his own position and therefore may have accepted the practicalities of Harold’s proposal. The
Vita Eadwardi
later shows him urging Harold to dismiss as mere ravings Edward’s deathbed concerns about the kingdom. Archbishop Ealdred appears to have been very close to Harold and his support may have been secure. The other churchmen were perhaps content to follow the lead of these two great men as they were also equally dependent on royal favour. They may have been persuaded by arguments about the
atheling
’s youth but it seems likely that it was an undertaking by Harold to secure King Edward’s agreement to this change in the succession that secured their consent.
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The securing of the support of these great men, clerical and lay, meant that Harold’s objective was in sight. Where the great men led, the lesser nobles and clergy, many of whom were their dependents, would usually follow. This had normally been the case except where opposition had a very widespread basis as in Northumbria in 1065, and even in these circumstances the lesser nobles usually felt the need for support from one or other of the earls. There was to be no such widespread opposition to Harold’s succession in 1066 and many of these lesser nobles were later to follow him to Stamford Bridge and Hastings.

In contrast to Harold’s wide influence and support, built up over twenty-one years of prominent royal service, at both local and national level, and boosted by success in military command,
Atheling
Edgar could offer little. He was a young boy who had been in England for only eight years. He may have only recently learnt the language as
Atheling
Edward, his father, was a small child when taken to far-off Hungary in 1016. He had few supporters other than his mother, Agatha, and two sisters, who were strangers like himself. He held no land in England and hence had no dependants or supporters. He was probably still in the wardship of his great uncle, King Edward. He held one great trump card in that he remained the king’s rightful heir, an important factor in eleventh-century succession disputes. It still remained for Harold to convince King Edward that he, rather than Edgar, should actually be designated as heir.
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On 5 January 1066 Edward finally succumbed to his illness and on his deathbed bequeathed his kingdom to Earl Harold. This bequest of the throne is evidenced by a number of sources and cannot be doubted. The
Vita Eadwardi
portrays an elaborate deathbed scene during which Edward commends his kingdom and his queen to Harold’s protection. This wording has been interpreted as signifying the passing on to Harold of a regency only until William could claim the throne, but the subsequent references to taking oaths of fealty from Edward’s foreign servants surely implies kingship. This scene is closely reflected in the Bayeux Tapestry although, typically for this source, any statement of what is shown is lacking. Thus Edward points to Harold but the text says only that he ‘addresses his vassals’ and nothing concerning what he may have said. Unusually, all three versions of the Chronicle agree in testifying to Edward’s designation of Harold. Even William of Poitiers accepts that Harold was granted the throne by Edward. Although often seen as such, King Edward’s designation of Harold should not be surprising when the circumstances of 1066 are considered, with the threat of Norman invasion and the consequent need for strong military leadership. Harold had been Edward’s right-hand man since 1053 and had served his interests and those of the kingdom loyally, even in some difficult circumstances. Thus Harold’s actions in 1065 although against Edward’s wishes were undoubtedly in his interests by preventing a civil war in his kingdom. This crucial designation by the dying king probably swayed any who had doubts about the validity of Harold’s succession in place of
Atheling
Edgar.
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