Fundamentalism in Comparative Perspective (44 page)

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Authors: Lawrence Kaplan

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BOOK: Fundamentalism in Comparative Perspective
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Page 173
Rabbi Kook's historiographic views are directly opposed to those of
haredi
ultra-Orthodoxy. His doctrine perceives the historical reality of his generation as more complex and essentially dialectical. In this view, the reality defined as ''the footsteps of the Messiah" is considered part of the historical development toward future redemption, because it views secular-Zionist society as playing a positive and crucial role in the messianic process, which is also essentially dialectical in nature.
Although Rabbi Kook's use of the concept "the footsteps of the Messiah" was not intended to express an innovation in religious Zionist policy, it constituted a turning point in Jewish religious thought. Indeed, extremist zealot fears regarding the potential for innovation and change are not without basis, since the concept was meant to help religious Zionism integrate into Zionist society and politics in
Eretz Israel
as a "junior partner." Thus, as a religious-political manifestation, Gush Emunim reflects changes in the religious-Zionist community in
Eretz Israel
on two levels:
1. On the plane of historical consciousness within the framework of the dialectic between exile and redemption, GE reflects an awareness and inner sense of confidence that the "history" of the Jewish people has already passed the incipient stage of the "footsteps of the Messiah"although it is still not clear exactly how far Jewish history has advanced in the stage of Redemption.
2. In the normative-halakhic sphere, GE essentially signifies the criticism and rejection of "light" religiosity and a concomitant commitment to the strict and stringent religiosity demonstrated, paradoxically enough, by the ultra-Orthodox standardbearers of "anti-Zionist" religiosity: the Haredim.
A comparison of the conservative religious radicalism of
haredi
Neturei Karta and the innovative radicalism manifested by various circles within Gush Emunim reveals many structural similarities. Fundamentally, both forms base themselves on the same "writings" and see themselves as committed to the same halakhic-midrashic-kabbalistic literature. However, as NK unequivocally defines the historical reality as a state of exile, it regards any deviation from the
 
Page 174
''traditional" way of life as constituting a "revolt" against divine providence. In contrast, by designating the current historical situation a state of redemption, GE broadens the historical frame of reference to encompass the "utopian realities" in traditional religious literature, which lay down different norms, especially in the political-religious sphere.
Indeed, the religious radicalism of Gush Emunim encompasses features that were of only theoretical import in the stage of exile but that suddenly became "compatible" with the new political situation as interpreted by GE's religious leaders. However, in areas relating to "normal," day-to-day life, GE manifests a clear tendency to reject "diminished religiosity" in favor of the "strict religiosity,'' characteristic of today's Haredim, of which NK is an integral part. However, the "innovative" religious radicalism of Gush Emunim sometimes finds itself in polar conflict with conservative fundamentalism, the differences between them relating to elements central to the Jewish faithfor example, to the question of a Jewish religious presence on the Temple Mount. Moreover, as we have seen, the relations between groups such as Neturei Karta and religious authorities accepted by ultra-Orthodox Jewry place restrictions on their freedom of action as well. For the dialectic that characterizes these relations is an integral part of the self-identity of members of these groups as traditional Jews committed to heeding the instructions of "Torah sages."
The radical-religious groups who feel that the fundamental change after the Six-Day War denotes a new religious-historical experience are bound along a new track from the outset. Their certainty that there is a reality that differs substantively from the traditional one, one that is as experiential as it is imbued in consciousness, must encompass elements of a religious-political activism that will find little if any legitimation in religious authorities outside their own frameworks. Moreover, this certainty, which derives its sanction from the political reality of Jewish control over all of
Eretz Israel,
requires the legitimation of religious authorities who are even more of an anathema to Orthodox Jewry. Yet, it is precisely the gap that inevitably exists within a political reality that is both the very actualization and symbol of extrication from the states of exile and redemption which is expressed in Israel's democratic character. This tension
 
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will no doubt become increasingly intolerable as time passes. "Painful" contradictory realities, such as Muslim worship on the Temple Mount, are liable to push groups of individuals into seeking renewed sanction for what they feel is the character and essence of current Jewish history. And the need for repeated sanction of the inner reality of redemption in the face of the more complex and less unequivocal political reality bears within it the possibility of a religious innovation that has the potential of thrusting radical religious groups into confrontation with the Jewish religious establishment.
Notes
1. G. Herbert,
Fundamentalism and the Church
(Philadelphia, 1957); R. Hofstadter,
Anti-Intellectualism in American Life
(New York, 1963).
2. Neturei Karta ("Guardians of the City," in the religious-spiritualistic sense) emerged against the backdrop of the confrontation between the Zionists and anti-Zionists in Palestine under British mandate during the
yishuv
period (191748). See M. Friedman,
Society and Religion: The Non-Zionist Orthodoxy in Eretz-Israel
(Jerusalem, 1978), especially pp. 36566 [Hebrew]. See also N. Lamm, "The Ideology of Neturei Karta According to the Satmar Version,"
Tradition
13 (1971).
3. Amram Blau died on July 5, 1974; Aharon Katzenelbogen died on December 13, 1978.
4. A community in Jerusalem, which incorporates within it those who do not recognize the State of Israel as a legitimate Jewish political entity. Founded in 1918, the Edah Haredit evolved into an isolationist religious community representing the religious elements that rejected the aspirations of Zionism in Palestine.
5. Agudat Israel initially was organized in 1912 as part of the struggle against the processes of change and secularization undergone by the Jews in Europe since the second half of the eighteenth century. Chiefly represented in this movement were traditional-religious groups that objected to any change in the traditional Jewish way of life. After the establishment of Israel this movement adopted a more moderate political stance, and it now takes part in the country's political life.
6. For an expanded treatment of this subject, see M. Friedman, "Haredi Jewry Confronts the Modern City," in
Studies in Contemporary Jewry,
ed. P. Medding, vol. 2 (Bloomington, Ind., 1985).
7. Numbers 25:115.
8.
Babylonian Talmud,
Sanhedrin 81a, 82b.
9. Ibid.

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