France Restored: Cold War Diplomacy and the Quest for Leadership in Europe, 1944-1954 (2 page)

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Authors: William I. Hitchcock

Tags: #History, #Europe, #France, #Western, #Modern, #20th Century, #Political Science, #Security (National & International), #test

BOOK: France Restored: Cold War Diplomacy and the Quest for Leadership in Europe, 1944-1954
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Page xi
Acknowledgments
I have the great pleasure to acknowledge the generous assistance I received from various institutions that made possible the research and writing of this project. My exploratory research in Paris during the summer of 1989 was supported by the Council of European Studies of Columbia University and by a summer research grant from the MacArthur Foundation. The MacArthur Foundation also supported research in Paris during the 199091 academic year. During the summer of 1992, three grants allowed me to pursue research and writing: a John Enders Research Grant from the Yale Graduate School, a summer grant from the Yale Council on West European Studies, and a Truman Presidential Library Travel Grant. The European Community Studies Association and the Ford Foundation supported follow-up research in the summer of 1993, and the Smith Richardson Foundation helped me return to France for one last go at the archives in the summer of 1995. To all of these institutions, I am deeply grateful.
Doing research in French archives can often be a challenge, particularly for foreign scholars, and I wish to thank Madame Chantal Tourtier de Bonazzi of the Section Contemporaine of the National Archives, and the courteous and efficient staff of the Service des Archives of the French Foreign Ministry for doing so much to facilitate my research. I also received kind assistance from the staffs of the U.S. National Archives, the Truman Library, the Eisenhower Library, the Library of Congress, the Virginia Historical Society, and especially Yale's Sterling Memorial Library.
Lewis Bateman of the University of North Carolina Press encouraged me from the very outset of this project and tendered wise advice as the book took shape. Ron Maner and Judith Hoover patiently answered my many questions and oversaw the transformation of the raw manuscript into its more presentable final form.
At Yale, I have been fortunate to have a wonderful base of operations from which to work. In the past few years, International Security Studies has become a vibrant intellectual center for scholarship on international history and contemporary politics, and it has been a privilege to contribute to its development and expansion. It would have been a far less pleasurable place to work without the unfailingly competent and friendly staff: Ann Carter-Drier, Karen Ellis, Andrew Levine, and Susan Hennigan.
 
Page xii
An unanticipated pleasure in the process of writing this book has been the opportunity it has afforded me to reach out to other scholars in the field. In particular, I would like to thank the following for reading all or parts of the manuscript: Martin Alexander, Matthew Connelly, Anton DePorte, Victor Feske, John Gaddis, Sir Michael Howard, Talbot Imlay, Richard Kuisel, Diane Kunz, Stephen Schuker, Thomas Schwartz, Andrew Shennan, Mark Shulman, Gaddis Smith, Jeremi Suri, and Irwin Wall. I am especially grateful to Marc Trachtenberg, who went over various drafts with great care, pointing out errors, querying my conclusions, and sharing with me the results of his own research on Cold War history.
I came to Yale as a graduate student in 1987, prepared to study European urban history. Then I enrolled in Paul Kennedy's seminar on the strategy and diplomacy of the great powers, and was captivated. Since then, Paul has been a mentor, colleague, and loyal friend, a model to me both in his professional and personal life.
My greatest debt is to my family. My wife, Elizabeth Varon, has suffered patiently through a decade of conversations on French diplomatic history, taking time away from her writing, research, and teaching to help me with my own. I simply could not have completed this book without her. And in recognition of their unflagging support, I dedicate this book to my loving, generous, and always understanding parents.
 
Page xiii
Abbreviations
ACC
Allied Control Council
AHC
Allied High Commission
CDU
Christian Democratic Union (Germany)
CEEC
Committee on European Economic Cooperation
CEI
Comité Economique Interministériel
CERP
Committee on the European Recovery Program
CFLN
Comité Français de Libération Nationale
CFM
Council of Foreign Ministers
CGP
Commissariat Général du Plan
CGT
Confédération Générale du Travail
CIA
Central Intelligence Agency
CIQCEE
Comité Interministériel pour les Questions de
Coopération Economique Européenne
CNR
Conseil National de la Résistance
ECSC
European Coal and Steel Community
EDC
European Defense Community
EDF
European Defense Force
ERP
European Recovery Program
FRG
Federal Republic of Germany
GDR
German Democratic Republic
GPRF
Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Française
IAR
International Authority for the Ruhr
IMF
International Monetary Fund
JCS
Joint Chiefs of Staff
MRP
Mouvement Républicain Populaire
MSB
Military Security Board
NAC
North Atlantic Council
NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
OEEC
Organization for European Economic Cooperation
PCF
Parti Communiste Français
PME
Plan de Modernisation et d'Equipement (Monnet Plan)
RPF
Rassemblement du Peuple Français
SACEUR
Supreme Allied Commander, Europe
SPD
Social Democratic Party (Germany)
TCC
Temporary Council Committee
URAS
Union des Républicains d'Action Sociale
WEU
Western European Union
 
Page 1
Introduction
Français, ô Français, si vous saviez
ce que le monde attend de vous!
 
Georges Bernanos,
La Battaile,
July 26, 1945
This book has its origins in a question posed by the historian Alan Milward at the end of his provocative and pioneering work,
The Reconstruction of Western Europe, 19451951
. ''How did France," Milward asked, "starting from so weak a position in 1945 and pursuing such an unrealizable set of foreign-policy objectives, arrive at such a satisfactory long-term political and economic solution" to its internal and external problems? The thrust of Milward's argument suggested that French leaders, constantly faced with the threat of economic marginalization and political irrelevance in Europe, were forced "to consider a more distant horizon" than their counterparts in, say, Great Britain. French planners, faced with such a wide array of problems and able to draw upon so few resources, had to work that much harder to identify and achieve their postwar objectives.
1
Milward's insight prompted a number of questions. Could the French nation, internally divided, economically ruined, and institutionally feeble, truly have been capable of outlining a national strategy for domestic and international recovery? If so, who designed it? Where was it developed? What assumptions and priorities informed it? And did it in the end succeed? The concept of national strategy  that is, an operational vision that employed all the resources of the nation to enhance and defend long-term national interests  may seem out of place in contemporary French history. The term suggests unity, forethought, consensus, and sacrifice, words not often associated with the French Fourth Republic. Yet in this, as in many things, the Fourth Republic presents a striking paradox. For despite its weaknesses, France transformed itself in ten years from a divided and defeated country into one that possessed a dynamic economy, a great deal of political influence on the European continent, and a greater degree of security than it had yet known in the twentieth century. This book sets out to reconcile the record of France's

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