Every Man Will Do His Duty (18 page)

The 18th of February proved to be calm, but a fine day. The Spanish fleet had now approached Cape St. Vincent, off which they were seen, in number, twenty-two ships of the line, manoeuvring, as well as they were able, to form a line-of-battle.

Arrangements having by this time been made with the Portuguese authorities at Lagos, for the reception of the Spanish prisoners of war, they were landed this day, to the number of about 2,300 men, and commenced their march to the eastward for the Spanish frontier. In the afternoon, a large Spanish frigate that had hugged the shore, under cover of a small headland, forming the western point of the Bay of Lagos, suddenly appeared, almost within shot of the British squadron. The
Lively
’s signal was made to slip and chace, but the enemy no sooner saw his danger, than he hauled his wind, and, crowding all sail, stood for the Spanish fleet, then drawing off from the land, and the
Lively
’s signal was annulled. At night, two of the British frigates were chaced into the anchorage of the fleet by one of the enemy’s line-of-battle ships. On Sunday, the 19th of February, Captain Robert Calder, captain of the fleet, came on board the
Lively,
with the admiral’s despatches, of which he was to be the bearer to England. About noon, the
Lively
got under way, and the wind having become favorable, and blowing fresh, she soon doubled Cape St. Vincent, seeing nothing of the Spanish fleet, and before night-fall, had left the British squadron far behind.

The
Lively
lay her course towards England until the 23rd of February, when the wind changed to the eastward. On the 25th, she had got into
soundings, but the adverse easterly wind prevented her advancing up the Channel. By the 28th, the
Lively
had weathered the Scilly Islands, and passed to the northward, between those islands and the Lands End. There being little prospect of any change of wind, and Captain Calder being very impatient to reach London with his good news, he desired Lord Garlies to put him on shore at St. Ive’s, where he landed, giving express orders that no letters, nor any other person except himself and servant should be allowed to land. Some idea was then entertained that the
Lively
might make for Milford Haven, but our good fortune interposed to defeat this project, which, had it been carried into effect, might have brought the frigate into contact with a French flying squadron, then hovering off the coast of South Wales, and which had landed a body of troops near Fishguard. It was luckily decided to return to the English Channel, where the frigate contrived to contend for some days against a stiff Levanter, until she had got abreast of the Eddystone, when seeing little prospect of any alteration in the wind, and anxious to get on shore, Sir Gilbert Elliot requested Lord Garlies to land him and his party at Plymouth; and, in a few hours after our course was changed, I had the satisfaction (which is only to be felt and understood by those who have been absent long on foreign service) of finding myself once more in old England.

We landed on Sunday, the 5th of March. Being the messengers of such glorious news as the defeat of the Spanish grand fleet, the rumour of which, it was concluded, would have already reached Plymouth, we anticipated a most joyful reception. We expected, on our reaching the shore, that the
Lively
’s arrival would have been hailed with the customary congratulations and rejoicings; but the people who received us, did not even enquire whence she came. Not a word nor a sign of welcome met our landing. Captain Calder had kept his good news so secret, that not a whisper of it had reached Plymouth, where, not a little to our surprise, we saw nothing but long faces and desponding looks in all classes.

We were not, however, long in learning the cause of this appearance and behaviour. Before we could tell them our gratifying intelligence, they announced to us the news (which had reached them that morning from the metropolis) of the shutting up of the National Bank of England, and the general
suspension of cash payments.
The union of the Spanish with the French fleets, they added, was considered as certain. Some flying squadrons of the latter were then known to be in the Irish channel, and the usual alarm of invasion universally prevailed. Nothing but England’s disgrace and downfall was foretold and talked of throughout the kingdom.

After listening to these discouraging details for some time, we availed ourselves of the first favorable opening to relieve them of some of their
apprehensions. Immediate invasion, we said, was not to be looked for. Sir John Jervis had retarded, if not entirely defeated that measure; and we then made known the particulars of the glorious Battle of St. Valentine’s day. For some time they would scarcely give our statements credit; and even when at length the fact was forced on their belief, such was the panic then prevailing that we could only collect at Plymouth, from the admiral, the general, and other friends, fifteen guineas in gold, towards enabling the viceroy, and his party of six individuals, and their servants, to pay their travelling expenses to the metropolis.

I cannot better conclude these anecdotes than by recording a conversation which I had with Nelson on the very next occasion of my seeing him. After the battle of St. Vincent, it is well known that he was actively employed in the bombardment of Cadiz, and subsequently detached on a special service to Santa Cruz, in the island of Teneriffe, where he met with the injury which caused him the loss of his right arm. He had returned to England, and was still suffering severely from the effects of the amputation, when I was allowed to see him. This was just before the victory of Camperdown
[October 11, 1797]
and intelligence of interest was hourly expected to arrive from Admiral Duncan’s fleet. One of the first questions which Nelson put to me, was whether I had been at the Admiralty. I told him there was a rumour that the British fleet had been seen engaged with that of Holland. He started up in his peculiar energetic manner, notwithstanding Lady Nelson’s attempts to quiet him, and stretching out his unwounded arm—“Drinkwater,” said he, “I would give this other arm to be with Duncan at this moment”; so unconquerable was the spirit of the man, and so intense his eagerness to give every instant of his life to the service of his country.

The Battle of Cape St. Vincent represented sea warfare on a grand scale.
Steel’s Naval Chronologist of the War
records that the British had 73 men killed and 223 wounded, while the enemy had, in just the four ships taken, 261 killed and 342 wounded, and in all some 5,000 killed, wounded, and captured. Admiral Jervis was created an earl (St. Vincent) and awarded an annual pension of £3,000. Vice-Admiral Thompson and Rear-Admiral Parker were created barronets. Nelson was invested with the Order of the Bath.

At the other end of the scale, Jacob Nagle is about to engage in warfare almost of a personal nature. The western coastal waters of Spain and Portugal are virtually lawless, that is until the
Netley,
a happy and somewhat rapacious British schooner commanded by Captain Francis Bond, arrives.

¹
George, Viscount Garlies, was the Scottish captain of HMS
Lively
. In 1806, he succeeded his father as Earl of Galloway and was promoted to rear admiral in 1810.

²
I have since often heard Commodore Nelson’s conduct, in the above transaction, variously commented on. According to the strict rules of discipline, some persons say the
Captain
should not have quitted the British line-of-battle without orders. The strength of Sir John Jervis’s squadron lay in its compactness, and the loss of one ship, from any cause, where the numbers opposed to each other were so disproportionate, might have defeated the British admiral’s maneuvers, and even have endangered the safety of the whole. Others have remarked, and apparently with good grounds, that when Nelson saw the necessity of some immediate and bold measure to disconcert the enemy, and had decided on the step he took, he should not have gone alone, but have taken with his own seventy-four, all the ships in his rear; and if we may judge from results, and the success of one ship, there can be no doubt that the attack of the
Captain,
supported by two or three others, must have been more effective, and the victory of the day would, in that case, have been more complete. In these comments there seems to be reason and good sense; but in warfare, circumstances must often arise which baffle principles, and customary modes of proceeding. Nelson, no doubt, saw the conduct of the Spanish admiral in its true light: his decision and boldness astonished and confounded the enemy, who were thus taken by surprise, and unprepared for such singular resolution. The measure succeeded, and to this movement, hazardous as it was, may chiefly be attributed the success of the day.

³
On the fleet’s assembling in Lagos Bay, the admiral communicated, in general orders, his thanks to the admirals and officers of the squadron under his command, in the following terms:—

“VICTORY, LAGOS BAY,

February 16,1797.

“Sir,

“No language I am possessed of can convey the high sense I entertain of the exemplary conduct of the flag-officers, captains, officers, seamen, marines, and soldiers, embarked on board every ship of the squadron I have the honor to command, present at the vigorous and successful attack made upon the fleet of Spain on the 14th inst. The signal advantage obtained by His Majesty’s arms on that day is entirely owing to their determined valor and discipline; and I request you will accept yourself and give my thanks and approbation to those composing the crew of the ship under your command.

“I AM, SIR,

“
YOUR MOST HUMBLE SERVANT,

“J.JERVIS.”

“TO —, CAPTAIN OF H.M. SHIP
—
.”

Considering how distinguished had been the services of some of the commanders of the fleet in the action of the 14th, it was thought extraordinary at the time, that not the least notice, by name, was taken of any of these officers in the preceding circular communication to the squadron.

W
HEN WE LAST ENCOUNTERED
Jacob Nagle (1795), he had been impressed into service on board the
Gorgon
. From that time he served on board the
Gorgon
and the
Blanche
as conditions deteriorated in the Mediterranean for the British fleet. In this passage, the
Blanche
has returned to Portsmouth for repairs. The unhappy crew petitions to be drafted by other ships, and Nagle transfers to the unusual sloop
Netley
, which has an experimental sliding keel that can be retracted in shallow waters. Following a stint off the Channel coast of France, the
Netley
plies the Atlantic coast of Spain and Portugal and becomes a very successful cruiser—with a minimum of scruples. Witness the fact that the author somehow accumulates a surplus of watches.

IN ABOUT TEN DAYS AFTER,
orders came to draught our ships crew. The most of them were sent on board the
Le Tigat,
84 gun ship, and Capt[ain] Bond came on board, being aquainted with the first leutenant, and had a pick of choice seamen and their recommendations from the first leut[enan]t to the number of 45 seamen. She was a new constructed schooner with fals keels. We ware sent on board [28 July 1798], laying at Spithead.
¹

When we had received our wages for the
Blanch
we sailed [2 August 1798] for Haverdegrass [Le Havre-de-Grâce], but that evening we came to an anchor at St. Hellena and the capt[ain] having the hands all sent aft to station them, he call’d them all in rotation excepting three of us, which was nearly on the first of the list. When they were all station’d, I said to the cap[tain], “You have forgot us, Sir.”

“No, I have not,” said he. Pointing to Donalson, “You are to act as boatswain and Covington, you are to act as guner,” and as for me, I was chief quartermaster and afterwards prize master and third in command. I kept the first watch, and a beautiful night, the men laying about the decks, the most of them “sowed up,” as the sailors terms is, and bottles of liquor between the guns on both sides.

In the morning, washed the decks down and got under way and arived off Haverdegrass to assist in blockading four frigates and four sloops of war that lay in the mold [mole]. We provented all vessels from going in and took all that attempted to come out.

One morning two gun boats a coming a long shore, they mounted 8 thirty twos and 24 pounders each. We gave chace. They finding we ware coming up with them, they run on shore on a sand bank. We followed them till we got aground, but having fals keels, we drew 16 feet water and when we lifted our keels, they drew 10 feet forward and a leven aft. Therefore after boaring them for a half an hour with our 24 pounders, we lifted our keels, hove a bout, and left them there.

At every spring tide there would be 6 or 7 frigates to joine us, as the French frigates could not come out at any other time. Sir Richard Strawen [Strachan] was the commedore, which the sailors call’d Mad Dickey.

At Haverdegrass there is three forts, one round the town, one large battery on the north side, a good highth from the level of the water, and a four gun battery out side towards the point. The mold [mole] for the shiping is inside of the town, on the River Seane [Seine]. It lays 45 miles west of Rowen [Rouen] and 112 N.W. of Paris upon the English Channel, Log’d. 11°E., Latt’d 42°29’N.

The commedore having a French young gentelman on board of note, which had been taken prisoner, and meaning to send him on shore, lowered the cutter down and sent him to be landed with a flag of truce, but no sooner than the boat got under there guns they opened a heavy fire from the foregun battery on them till they shot all there oars away and lay there like a target, and still continuing there fire, meaning to sink the boat, the commedore then made our signal to go in and fetch the boat out. We run in under the four gun battery and hove two and opened our broad side with our 24 pounders and made the rocks fly over there heads as thick and
coming down upon them that they had to leave the battery. We then took the boat in tow and brought hur out.