Read Erased: Missing Women, Murdered Wives Online
Authors: Marilee Strong
Tags: #Violence in Society, #General, #Murderers, #Case studies, #United States, #Psychology, #Women's Studies, #Murder, #Uxoricide, #Pregnancy & Childbirth, #True Crime, #Social Science, #Crimes against, #Pregnant Women, #Health & Fitness
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‘‘I thought if you want me to convict him,’’ he said, playing out
Harris’s analogy, ‘‘you have to show me Scott’s finger on the switch.’’
Like the Robert Blake jurors, Justin Falconer would never believe
Scott Peterson was guilty without seeing a smoking gun in his hand.
He impugned his fellow jurors, saying that the fact that some of them
published a book after the case was over showed they hoped to profit
from the trial. But Falconer himself had asked me right after he was
bounced from the panel how he might go about writing a book, even
though he had served just thirteen days on the case.
Conclusion
Fixing a Broken System
Q Withtheevolutionoflawsandpublicaware-ness—beginning in the 1960s and culminating in 1994 with the
federal Violence Against Women Act and a series of important
statements articulating the extent and seriousness of crimes against
women worldwide by the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights—marriage was no longer supposed to be a shield for domestic
violence.
Yet a legal system with an institutionalized punishment discount
for men who kill an intimate partner is tacitly condoning the ultimate
act of domestic violence. It is telling men that killing a wife or girlfriend
is to some degree understandable and justifiable.
We can’t even begin to get an accurate assessment of the num-ber of women murdered by a ‘‘loving’’ partner because so many of
these cases go undetected or unpunished. Between murders disguised
as unexplained disappearances and those staged to look like acci-dental falls, drownings, suicides, natural deaths, carjackings, or other
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randomly perpetrated crimes, untold numbers of eraser killings every
year are never even recognized as domestic homicides.
An eraser killing is precisely the type of violent crime most
likely to fall through the cracks and loopholes in our justice system,
whether because of problems with death investigation, the handling
of missing persons cases, or other stumbling blocks of legal and police
procedure. Although a complete list of reforms and solutions would
require a book unto itself, the following are some recommendations
for changes that could make it more difficult to get away with murder
and, one hopes, prevent at least some future eraser killings.
Q
Reform the death investigation system
.
The system for investigating unnatural deaths in the United States
is so faulty and antiquated that Michael Baden, one of the top forensic
pathologists in the country and the former chief medical examiner for
New York City, calls it a ‘‘national disgrace.’’ Werner Spitz, another
of the nation’s preeminent forensic pathologists and editor of the text
that is considered the ‘‘Bible’’ on death investigation, has estimated
that less than a third of the country has properly trained staff and
procedures in place to assess suspicious deaths adequately.
In the United States there is no uniform set of standards or
guidelines for investigations either at the scene where the body is
found or later at autopsy. Instead, there are fifty different state systems
and over three thousand county and regional systems with wildly
varying methods and unsettlingly uneven results.
In many jurisdictions, county coroners without any medical or
forensic background are the gatekeepers. Although they do not
generally perform autopsies themselves, they wield enormous power
in determining which deaths merit investigation and which do not,
whether an autopsy should even be performed, and what tests should
or shouldn’t be run, such as X rays that might detect a hidden skull
fracture or toxicology screening that could uncover a case of secret
poisoning. These coroners are merely elected officials, sometimes
with no more than a high school education and a few weeks of
on-the-job training. Accountants, gas station attendants, tow-truck
drivers, and beauticians have served as county coroners. They alone
have the authority to sign death certificates, and because they have
no supervision, it can be very difficult to get them to amend the cause
Conclusion
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or manner of death once officially entered, even if other information
comes to light that draws their findings into question.
In some states that rely on the coroner system, which has its roots
in twelfth-century England, there is a wide variation from one county
to the next in the percentages of deaths that are actually investigated;
some counties investigate only 3 or 4 percent of the number of deaths
per capita as other counties in the state.
Rather than rising with the murder rate and increasing sophisti-cation of criminals, autopsy rates have actually declined dramatically
due in large measure to lack of personnel and funding.
Although many states have reformed and improved their systems
of death investigation over the past three decades, there is nothing
approaching a national standard for education, testing, and certifica-tion for coroners in the way that pharmacists or registered nurses, for
example, must be trained at accredited schools and pass standard-ized national tests for knowledge and competency. It is scandalous
that search and cadaver dogs have rigorous testing and certification
standards but coroners do not.
Eraser killers already have something of an advantage over investi-gators because of their ability to alter a crime scene to fit the scenario
they want to project, and because they have intimate access to the
victim and knowledge of her habits and lifestyle. They control and
manipulate the evidence, hoping a lazy or badly trained investigator
will swallow their bait. Because an eraser killer usually shares the
same abode as his victim or has easy access to his victim’s home, he
can take all the time he needs to clean up and dispose of the blood,
contaminated clothing, rugs, and so forth, an advantage relatively
few other types of murderers have. He determines how and where to
place the victim’s body and whatever props he chooses, such as an
open liquor bottle, an unsafe ladder, a bag of fish food, or a gun. He
is also the person who controls time. He can make the 911 call or
arrange to have someone else find her. He can contact friends and
relatives of the victim and put on a show of grief, or he can wait to
notify them until the body and other ‘‘evidence’’ have been removed
so that they cannot see anything that might lead them to question his
carefully staged scenario.
If he places himself at the scene or pretends to have ‘‘discovered’’
his dead wife, he has the enormous advantage of being able to
give police and emergency responders the first description of what
happened. His version of events—what he saw, what his wife was
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doing, how she had been behaving prior to her death, his claims
of how he desperately tried to revive her—can create a lasting
impression in the minds of investigators. In addition to physically
setting the stage, the killer is able to provide a verbal narrative that
can have a very significant impact on how the death scene is viewed.
Even if police later change their minds and become suspicious about
his story, the scene where the body was found has almost always
been ‘‘unsealed’’ and turned back to its everyday use, destroying or
contaminating what little forensic evidence might remain.
When an inexperienced or poorly trained coroner arrives on the
scene and sees a dead woman sitting on the sofa with a gun in
her lap, as in the case of Barton Corbin’s first victim, Dolly Hearn,
little if any real investigation may be undertaken. In Dolly’s case,
sheriff’s deputies took pictures at the scene, looked for signs of
forced entry, poked around her apartment a bit, and swabbed her
hands for GSR. The coroner arrived and spent just a few minutes
looking at the body. As soon as he left, the body was removed and
the scene released. Dolly’s friends and roommate were told they
could clean up the blood; it was no longer considered a crime scene
worthy of preservation, even though detectives had yet to talk to the
scary-acting ex-boyfriend Dolly’s roommate told them about, or to
her parents and other people who knew she had not been depressed
and suicidal.
In the state of Georgia, where Barton Corbin managed to get away
with murder for fourteen years, only to be caught when he staged
a second intimate partner killing in the same way, staff shortages
recently forced the state-run crime lab, where autopsies are actually
performed, to temporarily stop accepting bodies after normal lab
hours. Because many of Georgia’s rural counties lack major hospitals
with morgue facilities, some areas had no means of preserving bodies
pending an autopsy. One coroner was told by officials in her county to
store bodies in refrigerated deer lockers until the lab could take them.
Officials tried to assure an alarmed public that bodies of their
deceased loved ones would not be mixed in with deer carcasses,
but the strange crisis underscores how fragile and patchwork Amer-ica’s system of death investigation really is. And no investigations
are at higher risk of being mishandled or lost in the shuffle than
those involving clever cover-ups and staging. No victims are more
Conclusion
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vulnerable in this process than women killed by the men they have
trusted.
Had Barton Corbin been living in one of the poorest counties
of Georgia instead of in one of the wealthiest at the time of his
second murder, the error-prone coroner system might have made
it possible even for a brazen double killer to get away with another
eraser killing.
If the scene is staged well and the killer’s story is convincing, things
may not seem suspicious enough to prompt a forensic autopsy, in
which case the eraser is very close to beating the system permanently.
There are no nationally agreed-on standards for medical examiners
either, although they are MDs. Even when an autopsy is performed
by a well-qualified medical examiner, however, it may not yield
enough information medically to bring murder charges— despite
strong circumstantial evidence that the death was the result of a
homicide.
A North Carolina man named Tim Boczkowski made a 911 call
late in 1990 to report that his wife, Elaine, a healthy woman in her
mid-thirties, had apparently drowned in their bathtub. He said he
found her unconscious with her head underwater, and pulled her out
of the tub. The emergency operator immediately dispatched a rescue
squad from the nearest fire department, while at the same time giving
Boczkowski instructions on how to administer CPR. Very quickly
firemen arrived on the scene, followed by a paramedic team equipped
with defibulators and other tools used to revive drowning victims.
Everything possible was done to get Elaine’s heart beating again as
they rushed her to the nearest hospital, where the effort to revive
her went on into the early hours of the next morning, when she was
finally pronounced dead.
The case sounded like an accidental drowning. Tim would later
tell friends that Elaine had too much to drink that evening and simply
drowned. But the firemen, the paramedics, and a patrol officer who
arrived later all noticed one strange fact—the bathtub in which the
woman had supposedly drowned before being dragged out by her
frantic husband was bone dry, and not a single drop of water had been
splashed on the floor. As time went on, the details of what happened
that night changed every time Boczkowski related them. Even before
a homicide detective was assigned to the case, the uniformed officers
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involved had determined that this story of a woman drowning in a
completely dry bathtub just did not make sense.
Unfortunately, the autopsy carried out on Elaine Boczkowski was
inconclusive. The doctor found no water in the lungs to indicate
drowning, but also could not find any other immediate cause of
death and simply wrote the fateful word ‘‘undetermined’’ in the box
under cause of death. It may be surprising to most people, but death
due to drowning is extremely difficult to determine with scientific
precision. In this case there were simply none of the typical conditions
that accompany drowning, but also no other discernable cause for
her death. She had some bruises on her body, but those could be
explained by the fact that she had been subjected to an extremely long
period of vigorous resuscitation efforts. She also had five different
bruises on the interior of her scalp, one of which could have been
caused by an accidental fall in the tub, but not all five. There was also
no alcohol found in her system, despite her husband’s contention
that she had been drinking in the tub.
Still, because the chief medical examiner who performed the
autopsy could not determine what killed her, the case was closed. In
that jurisdiction, if the medical examiner could not determine cause
of death, there would be no further investigation.
As the staged fishpond ‘‘drowning’’ death of Pam Mead in Salt Lake
City demonstrates, there should ideally be a great deal of interaction
and communication between homicide investigators and the medical
examiner and coroner when the cause of death is ambiguous—and
in some states the rate of ‘‘undetermined’’ causes of death among
all homicides and suicides is up to 50 percent. But in Greensboro,
North Carolina, where Elaine Boczkowski died of no apparent cause,
having drowned in a dry, empty bathtub, the homicide investigation
was believed to be pointless. Her husband probably never would
have been charged with murder—as he was four years later after
he moved to Pennsylvania—had his second wife, another perfectly
healthy woman, not drowned suddenly and unexpectedly in the
family’s outdoor hot tub. Mary Ann Boczkowski was still in the tub,
floating in water, when emergency responders arrived. Once again,
Tim was quick to tell emergency responders that his wife had been
drinking alcohol while relaxing in the hot tub— fourteen beers as
well as some wine, he said.
This time, however, the medical examiner determined that she
had clearly not drowned. She had been strangled to death, and the
Conclusion
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forensic evidence was unmistakable. (Eerily, she also had five fresh
bruises on the interior of her scalp, just as Elaine had.) It appeared
that Mary Ann fought hard for her life. Fresh scratch marks were
found on Tim Boczkowski’s neck, torso, and hand, which he claimed
were the result of his wife giving him a ‘‘scratch massage.’’
The determination that his second wife died as the result of
homicide triggered a reevaluation and reopening of the unresolved
cause of death of his first wife. Murder charges were filed against
Boczkowski in North Carolina and Pennsylvania, and juries in both
cases found him guilty. He received a life sentence for killing his first
wife, death in the second case. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court,
however, overturned the death sentence on a technicality and ordered
that he be sentenced instead to life in prison for the second murder.
While Boczkowski was in jail in Pennsylvania awaiting trial, his
cellmate claimed he boasted about his crimes. When the man asked
him why he made the potentially foolish mistake of killing his
second wife in a manner so similar to the first, Boczkowski expressed
chagrin that he wasn’t more creative. ‘‘That was stupid, wasn’t it?’’
he reportedly remarked.
What we don’t know is how many eraser killers elude detec-tion by murdering just once, establishing no pattern to attract
attention. One of the disturbing things that this case demon-strates is that even when an eraser killer makes a major tactical
error—forgetting to fill the bathtub to make his drowning story
credible—he can still get away with murder. Because death inves-tigation depends for success on highly coordinated and interactive
relationships between completely different government entities—an
elected coroner’s office, an appointed medical examiner, patrol offi-cers, and homicide detectives—the opportunities for fumbles, lack
of cooperation, indecisiveness, and slow response times all give an
edge to an even moderately intelligent eraser killer who has planned
a bloodless soft kill.
Efforts have been made in recent decades to reform, modernize,
and establish comprehensive training systems and national qual-ification standards to address weaknesses in the area of death
investigation. Many states have already instituted changes in this
direction, and given the leading role that state governments have
as the shapers of felony law and criminal administration, the only
realistic reform efforts must be aimed at the state level. National move-ments for improved and standardized practices are likely to come
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