Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852’1912 (190 page)

45
. Ibid., 8, p. 849.

46
. Ibid., 8, p. 920.

47
. For a table of casualties during the Sino-Japanese War, see Fujimura Michio,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 183. During the campaign on the Asian mainland, the Japanese lost a total of 2,647 men; during the Taiwan campaign, there were 10,841 casualties.

48
. He was known at various times of his career as Michinomiya, K
ō
gen, Rinn
ō
jinomiya, and Kitashirakawanomiya (chapter 17). He died on October 28 in Tainan (
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, pp. 923–24).

49
. The text of the eulogy is in
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 932.

50
. Ibid., 8, pp. 622–23. Later, the same article compares Emperor Meiji with the rulers of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, England, France, and the United States, each time deciding that the emperor is superior. The article also compared him with such historical figures as Augustus in Rome, King Alfred of England, Napoleon, and Wilhelm I, all of whom fell far short.

51
. Donald Keene, “The Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95 and Japanese Culture,” p. 294.

52
. Okakura Kakuz
ō
,
The Book of Tea
, p. 7.

Chapter 47

1
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, pp. 807, 829.

2
. Woonsang Choi,
The Fall of the Hermit Kingdom
, pp. 26–27.

3
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
. 8, p. 846.

4
. Ibid. He also offered an alternative plan that, although less welcome to the royal house and the government, would probably lessen the burden on the common people.

5
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 851. Joseph H. Longford wrote, “The worst rogues and bullies of Japan—and Japan produces an abundance of both types—poured into the unfortunate country, and robbed and browbeat the terrified natives in a way that filled European witnesses with indignation and horror, and increased tenfold the traditional hatred of the natives of the very name of Japan” (
The Evolution of New Japan
, p. 118).

6
. For example, Choi contrasted Inoue with his successor, Miura Gor
ō
, in these terms: “Unlike Count Inoue, who was a man of great ability and had done much for the reform of Korea, Miura proved to be lacking in every quality of constructive and administrative statesmanship” (
Fall of the Hermit Kingdom
, p. 27).

7
. Queen Min in principle never appeared before foreign men, but she met foreign women. Takeko, who was a year older than the queen, was the only Japanese woman to meet her. The famous traveler Isabella L. Bird also met the queen and left this description: “Her Majesty, who was then past forty, was a very nice-looking slender woman, with glossy raven-black hair and a very pale skin, the pallor enhanced by the use of pearl powder. The eyes were cold and keen, and the general expression one of brilliant intelligence” (
Korea and Her Neighbours
, 2, p. 39). See also Tsunoda Fusako,
Minbi ansatsu
, pp. 278–79.

According to Kuzuo Yoshihisa, when Inoue had audiences with the king, the queen’s voice could be heard from behind a curtain giving the king directions (
T
ō
a senkaku shishi kiden
, 2, p. 521). Gradually she showed half her face and finally, opening the curtains completely, joined in conversation with the king and Inoue. This account, as far as I know, is not confirmed by other writers.

8
. Miura Gor
ō
,
Kanju sh
ō
gun kaiko roku
, p. 269.

9
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 866. Waeber is said to have sent this message to the Korean court with the American Charles W. LeGendre, who had formerly been employed by the Japanese Foreign Ministry. He was hired by the Korean government in 1890 (
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 3, p. 586; Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 180).

10
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 866. This action is puzzling, considering Pak’s pro-Russian views; however, he was a longtime advocate of reforming the country, and this made people suppose he was actually pro-Japanese. After escaping from Seoul, Pak found refuge once again in Japan (p. 891).

11
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 867. The Kaehwadang was also known as the Progressive Party.

12
. Miura, who was from Ch
ō
sh
ū
, was recommended by three members of the Ch
ō
-sh
ū
clique—It
ō
Hirobumi, Yamagata Aritomo, and Inoue Kaoru. With such backing, he could hardly fail to be appointed.

13
. Miura,
Kanju sh
ō
gun
, pp. 266–67.

14
. Okamoto Ry
ū
nosuke,
F
ū
un kaiko roko
, pp. 222–23.

15
. Miura was in fact a devout Buddhist. Not long before, he had been called on to mediate a dispute between two factions of the S
ō
t
ō
sect of Zen Buddhism (Miura,
Kanju sh
ō
gun
, pp. 245–65).

16
. Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 283; Kojima Noboru,
Ō
yama Iwao
, 4, p. 237.

17
. Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 284; Kojima,
Ō
yama Iwao
, 4, p, 238. Kuzuo says Miura was called
nembutsu k
ō
shi
, but as a believer in Zen Buddhism, Miura probably did not say the
nembutsu
(
T
ō
a
, 1, p. 517).

18
. Pak Jong-keun,
Nisshin sens
ō
to Ch
ō
sen
, p. 241.

19
. Another unit of some 500 men, called the Self-Defense Unit, had been formed in June 1895. It was trained by an American officer, William M. Dye, to defend the royal palace, but most members were unarmed. It was anti-Japanese (Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 241).

20
. Even the commanding officer of the second battalion of the Training Unit, a Korean, was not informed of the plan. On October 7 he hurried to the Japanese legation to inform Miura that the king had privately ordered the dissolution. He arrived just as Miura and two others were drawing up final plans for the attack. This would have been a natural moment to inform him of plans for the following day, but he was led to another room and was told nothing. Apparently, even a pro-Japanese Korean was not trusted to keep the secret (Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 235).

21
.
Meiji tenn
ō
ki
, 8, p. 909. See also Kobayakawa Hideo,
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 318. Another Japanese visitor to the
taewon’gun
, the consul Horiguchi Kumaichi, went in the guise of a Japanese tourist and carried on a conversation with the
taewon’gun
in classical Chinese with writing brushes (
Gaik
ō
to bungei
, pp. 118–31). The
tae-won’gun
entertained Horiguchi with champagne and Havana cigars, but most appreciated of all was his promise that if Miura helped him, he would resume his old position in the government (p. 130).

22
. Kobayakawa Hideo wrote this in
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 318. Kuzuo was of the same opinion (
T
ō
a
, 1, p. 523).

23
. Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 233. Pak believed it was impossible that the
taewon’gun
accepted all four promises without changing a word. His actions immediately after the murder showed he was by no means willing to yield his political authority.

The photographs of the
taewon’gun
suggest that he was indeed a very old man, but Horiguchi, who saw him shortly before Queen Min’s murder, wrote that his complexion was that of a young man and his eyes were piercing. He seemed overflowing with energy. Horiguchi thought the
taewon’gun
was in his early fifties but looked much younger; in fact, he was over seventy (
Gaik
ō
, p. 119).

24
. Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 300.

25
. Adachi Kenz
ō
,
Adachi Kenz
ō
jijoden
, p. 57. Adachi was an important political figure in Kumamoto, his native place; Kumamoto was known for its toughs. Miura used the word
s
ō
shi
, but Adachi’s account changed it to
wakai mono
(young people). Adachi did not date this conversation, but it was probably at the beginning of October.

26
. The uniforms and hats were taken from Korean guards at the
taewon’gun
’s palace (Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 237). Some
s
ō
shi
were dressed in Japanese clothes; others, in Western clothes. Some carried a broadsword on their shoulders, some a Japanese sword at their waist; others, pistols (Kobayakawa,
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 330).

27
. Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 237. Kobayakawa, who was present when the
taewon’gun
was roused from sleep, stated that he happily accepted the proposal that he accompany the Japanese to the royal palace (
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 333).

28
. Kobayakawa,
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 337.

29
. “Official Report on Matters Connected with the Events of October 8th, 1895, and the Death of the Queen,” p. 126.

30
. Kobayakawa,
Bink
ō
ansatsu
, p. 352.

31
. Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 321. Choi gives a somewhat different account: “Okamoto, after cutting down the Queen, had three other palace ladies identify the dying Queen, then murdered them all to leave no evidence and to make sure of his work” (
Fall of the Hermit Kingdom
, p. 34).

32
. Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 246. XX is, of course, Queen Min. Some believe that although the murderer was a Japanese army officer, the authorities blamed the
s
ō
shi
.

33
. Pak,
Nisshin sens
ō
, p. 247.

34
. However, a highly favorable account of Queen Min is presented by Isabella Bird, who visited Korea four times between 1894 and 1897. She was granted several audiences with the king and queen. She described the king as rather ordinary but sensed that the queen exerted great influence over the king. Miss Bird was also impressed by the queen’s enemy, the
taewon’gun
, though she mentioned with disapproval the murder by his orders of 2,000 Korean Catholics in 1866 (
Korea and Her Neighbours
, 2, pp. 39–49).

35
. Choi,
Fall of the Hermit Kingdom
, p. 30.

36
. Katano Tsugio,
Rich
ō
metsub
ō
, p. 159. There is a story to the effect that when a Japanese officer noticed General Dye, he told Horiguchi Kumaichi, a consul, to order the foreigner to leave. Horiguchi passed on the message to Dye in French, but the general did not understand French. Another man repeated the message in English, but the general replied, “I am an American. I don’t take orders from a Japanese” (Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
, p. 320). Adachi Kenz
ō
, though, wrote that the normally arrogant Dye was so frightened by the Japanese that he removed his hat and bowed, an ingratiating look on his face. Adachi found this change “extremely ludicrous” (
Adachi Kenz
ō
, p. 61).

The discovery of the diary kept by Alexander Sabatin was reported in 1995. Although Sabatin did not actually see Queen Min killed, he saw Japanese in plainclothes drag court ladies by the hair from the building where they and the queen slept and was within a few feet of the actual murder. The discovery was made by Professor Kim Rekho of the Russian Academy of Sciences (
Asahi shimbun
, June 20, 1995, p. 29).

37
. Miura,
Kanju sh
ō
gun
, pp. 282–83.

38
. The article is reproduced photographically in the front matter of Tsunoda,
Minbi ansatsu
.

39
. Kojima,
Ō
yama Iwao
, 4, p. 261. Kojima’s account of the murder of Queen Min is most detailed, but unfortunately he does not give his sources (pp. 250–83).