Cyber Attack (26 page)

“We’ll get together before I head back to Boston tomorrow night,” said Sarge.

Sarge spent the next hour speaking about the interrelationship between sovereign nations and the global institutions transcending their boundaries. Without cooperation, the global economy would come to a halt.

“What would it take to reach a level of cordial cooperation across political boundaries in this country?” asked Boaz.

“These concepts apply within the United States at the state level as well,” said Sarge. “As you all know, we have a republic form of government in which the power was intended to reside in the hands, or votes, if you will, of the people. In a republic, sovereignty rests with the people. In a democracy, the sovereignty is in the group. There has been a trend to mislabel our form of government as a pure democracy in which fifty-one percent beats forty-nine percent, leaving the minority with no rights. This contravenes Article Four of the Constitution.

“There are those who wish to exert their political beliefs across the entire nation rather than limiting their influence to the particular state in which they reside,” continued Sarge. “A person who resides in California, for example, votes there. His right to vote is limited to the State of California. However, that person may vehemently disagree with a law passed in Indiana. While this person may have the absolute right to express his opinion anywhere in America, he does not have the right to vote in Indiana for elected officials who might agree with him on that particular issue. Only Hoosiers in Indiana, a sovereign state, are granted the privilege to challenge representatives standing for, or against, a particular set of laws.”

“Technically, under the Constitution, that is all very true,” said Governor Pence. “But we all know that politics is an intricate and convoluted maze we as elected officials must navigate.”

“A very good point, Governor, so let’s bring the concept close to home, shall we?” said Sarge. He appreciated the intensity with which Governor Pence engaged in the conversation. He decided to use an example particular to his state.

“Last year, you joined twenty other states and signed into law Indiana’s version of the Religious Freedom Act,” said Sarge.

Governor Pence tensed but was deeply engrossed, nodding acknowledgement.

“This ignited a firestorm, especially from the left, who decried the legislation as bigoted. Certainly, the citizens of Indiana could vote against you in your reelection bid this fall, but a large majority of those against the legislation may be from another state, like California.”

“Indiana was inundated with out-of-state special interests who flooded the capital,” said Governor Pence. “It wasn’t quite as bad as what Governor Walker experienced in Wisconsin with the unions, but close.”

“Precisely. Californians, for example, who cannot vote against you, may try other methods, including putting pressure on businesses in Indiana and encouraging them to leave the state,” said Sarge. “Sound familiar?”

“Oh yes,” said Governor Pence. “I was blasted from all directions. All I wanted to do was preserve the rights of any business owner to act in a way that comports with their religious beliefs. The law immediately became labeled as antigay, which was totally ludicrous.”

“This brings us to the quandary faced by any government,” said Sarge. “Do you stand by your laws as a sovereign state, or do you capitulate to the political pressures exerted by outside forces, including businesses and organizations who have threatened to leave you? If you are principled in your beliefs and not ashamed of the law you enacted, then I believe you will choose freedom—sovereignty—as opposed to capitulation.”

Sarge was commanding the attention of the leaders of America’s Libertarian Party because they wanted to listen to what he had to say, not because he was a speaker on their agenda. By the end of the evening, Sarge was a part of their inner circle. By the end of the conference, the libertarian faithful were asking why Henry Winthrop Sargent IV wasn’t their 2016 Presidential nominee.

Chapter 43

August 14, 2016

73 Tremont

Boston, Massachusetts

For almost four hundred years, Boston Common belonged to the people. Originally part of the farm of clergyman William Blackstone, it was sold to the City of Boston for today’s equivalent of forty-seven dollars. Once rolling scrubland with three ponds, it is now the vibrant hub of activity in the most historic city in the United States.
At least it was
.

Morgan surveyed the Common from the gold-leaf-domed Statehouse towards his left and Brewer Fountain. The fountain, a replica of the original featured at the 1855 Paris World Fair, was a gift from nineteenth-century philanthropist Gardner Brewer. Brewer advanced the industrial revolution throughout the United States and was known for his charitable giving for the benefit of the public. Brewer was also an advocate of Protectionism—the policy of government intervention in international trade to protect the business of their country. In the short term, protectionist policies might protect U.S. companies from foreign competitors. It also temporarily created jobs. But it was a matter of time before foreign nations retaliated by erecting their own protectionist policies.

The wealth of the Boston Brahmin was built on a global marketplace. Their political power was derived from the careful placement of assets into positions of power in foreign governments and industry. When the President was first elected in 2008, he began to espouse protectionist policies as a form of payback to his union supporters. Morgan shut that down—
immediately
. He worked very hard to orchestrate the adoption of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It took three presidents and millions of dollars before NAFTA and a comparable European Union treaty were signed in 1993. Last year’s Trans-Pacific Partnership laid the groundwork for a rapid expansion of the Boston Brahmin’s military-based industries across the globe.

Protectionist policies are bad for our business.

Yet, Hillary Clinton had openly defied Morgan’s directives and adopted the protectionist rhetoric first espoused by Donald Trump during the GOP primary process. In fact, the moment the check cleared following the DNC convention, Hillary adopted policy positions contrary to their agreement. Suddenly, the campaign staff became unavailable to him and Bill wasn’t returning his phone calls. Her political operatives repeatedly impugned Abigail as the running mate choice. Above all, the ticket’s post-convention bounce in the polls had evaporated and Hillary was sinking under the weight of previously undisclosed scandals.

Morgan felt his blood pressure rise. Against his doctor’s advice, he poured himself a Glengoyne to calm his nerves. His mind snapped back to attention as he awaited the arrival of William Holmes, his former law partner at Morgan-Holmes. He noticed how devoid Boston Common was of activity—except for the homeless pushing shopping carts from one previously pillaged trash bin to another. There were no families enjoying the beautiful day with a picnic or on bicycles. The scene was almost apocalyptic.

Where are the good people
? How had our great nation descended into an abyss filled with degenerates and parasites? Our government had created a dependency class that now constituted the majority of Americans. The takers outnumbered the makers, and it was unendurable. America would collapse under the weight of those with their hands out.

As he took another sip of scotch, his thoughts were interrupted by the intercom. “Sir, Mr. Holmes is here to see you.”

Morgan pressed the button and replied, “Show him in, please, Malcolm.” Morgan picked up a folder and thumbed through the pages. He had outlined nineteen Executive Orders and Policy Directives. Executive Orders were a matter of public record and, to be legal, must be published in the Federal Register. Policy Directives, like Clinton’s infamous Secretary of State emails, were considered
born classified
—classified from the moment of its creation. Therefore, they were typically maintained in the files of National Security Council staff. They both had the same legal effect. In the 1990s, Morgan and Bill Clinton made use of directives liberally.

“Good afternoon, John,” said Holmes as Lowe showed him in. “This is a rare meeting on a Sunday. I hope all is well.” The men shook hands and Morgan offered his old friend a seat.

“Malcolm, we won’t be long. Have our guests arrived?”

“Almost everyone, sir. I’ve made them comfortable in the conference room as requested. Sir, Mr. Lowell and Mr. Cabot insisted upon opening the bar,” said Lowe. “I hope that isn’t a problem.”

“Not a problem at all, Malcolm. Besides, who’s going to stop them from an afternoon cocktail? The National Guard has their hands full nowadays.” Morgan reached for the Glengoyne to pour his friend a drink as Lowe quietly exited the room.

“Thank you, John,” said Holmes. “How can I help?”

“William, we have a President who needs some direction.”

“Don’t they all?” The men laughed and toasted the statement. Every President had a hot-button issue, an agenda. Morgan supported them when the policy didn’t conflict with his agenda. Over the last forty years, there had been numerous times when a President needed to be reminded of certain
matters of importance
to the Boston Brahmin.

“The President has lost his way somewhat,” said Morgan. He slid the file folder full of notes across the table to Holmes. As Holmes thumbed through the paperwork, Morgan continued. “These policy directives will strengthen the President’s power in times of military conflict and will lay the groundwork for our best interests to be implemented. Our relationship is built on a codependency of interests. These policy directives will protect our interests while assisting the President in his goals.”

“I see that,” said Holmes.

“The President will be staying at my vacation home in Martha’s Vineyard for a few weeks. We have a meeting on the twenty-third. I have a series of Executive Orders and Policy Directives for you to draft. The President will sign and implement them immediately.”

“This is serious stuff, John—all dealing with the same issue. Is something looming on the horizon?”

“Perhaps, William. When I know more, you will be contacted. Get these back to me by Wednesday for my review. I will deliver them to the President.” Morgan finished his drink and pushed up out of his chair, which was a signal for Holmes to do the same.

“I will take care of this immediately, John. You look troubled, old friend. If there is anything else I can do to help, let me know.”

“Thank you, William.” He patted Holmes on the back as he escorted him towards the front of the office where Lowe was waiting.

“Sir, everyone is here.”

“Thank you, Malcolm.” Turning to Holmes, he said, “Handle this personally, William, understood?”

“Of course,” replied Holmes as he left.

“Malcolm, no interruptions, please,” said Morgan.

“Yes, sir.”

Morgan, ever-present in a traditional three-piece suit, steadied himself with a deep breath and approached the conference room.
It’s for the greater good
.

“Good afternoon, my friends, and thank you for coming in on short notice.”

“You’ve interrupted my golf game today, John,” said Samuel Bradlee, a former Secretary of Defense who hadn’t broken a hundred on the links in fifteen years.

“So what, Samuel?” interjected Henry Endicott. The two former military men were always sparring, especially during the week of the Army-Navy football game. “Golf is just a good walk spoiled by stress and vulgarities.” The men chuckled at the comeback.

“Gentlemen, I need everyone to get settled, as we have serious business to discuss,” interjected Morgan. He looked into the faces of the Boston Brahmin. They relied upon him in these matters and he could feel the weight on his shoulders. The culmination of events over the next few weeks would result in a more powerful America. The dependant class would be eliminated. His friends would become wealthier and politically powerful. More importantly, the downward spiral this country was taking would stop.

He hated duping his friends, but it was necessary—for the greater good
.

“I’ll get right to the point. As we discussed in May, the social and economic direction of this country is unsustainable. I have received actionable intelligence from my sources in Washington. The day of reckoning is upon us. A reset is imminent.” Morgan sat back in his chair and allowed the significance of his statement to resonate in the room.

“John, what the hell are you talking about? Are we going to war?” asked Lawrence Lowell.

“I don’t know, Lawrence. I will be meeting with the President in a week or so to discuss it.”
Of course I know, sorry to deceive you, my friend
. Morgan was committed to the deception now. He continued.

“Gentlemen, here is what I know. The intelligence community has determined that our enemies are lining up against us. Russia, China and now ISIS have formed an alliance of sorts to bring our country to its knees.”

“How?” asked Walter Cabot from across the table. “We have the strongest, most sophisticated military on the planet. They wouldn’t risk a blood-soaked war.”

“I would add
why
,” said Lowell. “Why in God’s name would these countries attack us?”

This was Morgan’s opportunity to identify an enemy. “We all know the Russians and Chinese have been moving in this direction—economically and militarily. This President is weak and our enemies recognize this. They have five months before a new Commander-in-Chief is sworn in. I believe they will act now.”

“Do they think Hillary will be a tougher President?” asked Bradlee. “She
loathes
the military as much as her husband did.” Several of the Brahmin nodded their heads in agreement.

“It is hard for me to question their motives, especially in this unholy alliance they have established with the heathen ISIS group,” replied Morgan. “I do know we will be prepared for the events and their aftermath.”