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36
.
The description is from his own mother, in Hilt,
The Troubled Trinity
, p. 137.
37
.
José M. Portillo Valdés, ‘Imperial Spain’, in Broers, Hicks and Guimerá (eds),
The Napoleonic Empire and the New European Political Culture
, pp. 287–8.
38
.
Hilt,
The Troubled Trinity
, pp. 179–96; Brégeon,
Napoléon et la guerre d’Espagne
, p. 87.
39
.
André Fugier,
Napoléon et l’Espagne, 1799–1808
, 2 vols (Paris, 1930), ii. pp. 150–4; Hilt,
The Troubled Trinity
, pp. 166–70; Brégeon,
Napoléon et la guerre d’Espagne
, pp. 68–9.
40
.
Hilt,
The Troubled Trinity
, pp. 210–26.
41
.
An argument put forward by Emilio La Parra López, ‘Méfiance entre les alliés: les relations Napoléon–Godoy (1801–1807)’,
Annales historiques de la Révolution française
, 336 (2004), 31–5.
42
.
Richard Hocquellet,
Résistance et révolution durant l’occupation napoléonienne en Espagne, 1808–1812
(Paris, 2001), pp. 24–5.
43
.
Lecestre (ed.),
Lettres inédites
, i. p. 184 (26 April 1808).
44
.
Tulard,
Murat
, p. 118. On the events that lead up to and follow the riot of Aranjuez see Hocquellet,
Résistance et révolution
, pp. 26–41; Esdaile,
The Peninsular War
, pp. 32–4; Brégeon,
Napoléon et la guerre d’Espagne
, pp. 90–2.
45
.
Corr.
xvii. nos. 13711 and 13712 (1 April 1808); Tulard,
Murat
, p. 120.
46
.
Hocquellet,
Résistance et révolution
, pp. 30–1.
47
.
Tulard,
Napoléon ou le mythe du sauveur
, p. 335.
48
.
Esdaile,
Napoleon’s Wars
, p. 332.
49
.
Corr.
xvi. n. 13443 (10 January 1808).
50
.
Edouard Driault,
Napoléon et l’Europe
, iii. p. 250.
51
.
Napoleon to Lucien (4 December 1807), cited in Haegele,
Napoléon et Joseph Bonaparte
, pp. 298–9 (from AN 381 AP 1, dossier 1, cahier 1).
52
.
Albert Du Casse, ‘Documents inédits relative au premier Empire. Napoléon et le roi Louis’,
Revue historique
, 12 (January–February 1880), 92–3.
53
.
Corr.
xvii. n. 13763 (18 April 1808).
54
.
Corr.
xvii. n. 13844 (10 May 1808).
55
.
Girardin,
Mémoires, journal et souvenirs
, i. pp. 68–70.
56
.
Haegele,
Napoléon et Joseph Bonaparte
, pp. 309–12.
57
.
Haegele,
Napoléon et Joseph Bonaparte
, pp. 336–7.
58
.
Gates,
The Spanish Ulcer
, p. 9.
59
.
Chastenet,
Manuel Godoy
, pp. 172–3. Similar flattering remarks were sent back to Napoleon by Philippe de Tournon, who was dispatched to the Peninsula to study public opinion, as well as to spy on the military installations inside Madrid: ‘Spain is in a crisis [and] it awaits its fate from the Emperor, it looks upon Him as its only support and considers Him to be the protector of the Prince of Asturia, who is his only hope’ (AN AFIV 1680 (1), 20 December 1807). See also Hilt,
The Troubled Trinity
, pp. 170–3; Lentz,
Savary
, pp. 115–16.
60
.
Even the otherwise toadying Tournon had changed his mind and could now see the potential difficulties of French involvement in Spain. See, for example, his report in Jacques Chastenet,
Godoy, Master of Spain 1792–1808
, trans. J. F. Huntington (London, 1953), p. 183.
61
.
Las Cases,
Mémorial
, i. pp. 385–6, 569–70, 725–34.
62
.
Hocquellet,
Résistance et révolution
, p. 35; Bell,
Total War
, p. 276.
63
.
Cited in Robert Hughes,
Goya
(London, 2003), p. 265.
64
.
Léon-François Hoffmann,
Romantique Espagne: l’image de l’Espagne en France entre 1800 et 1850
(Paris, 1961), pp. 13–15. On Napoleon’s low opinion of Spain see Fugier,
Napoléon et l’Espagne
, ii. pp. 452–3.
65
.
Gérard Dufour, ‘Pourquoi les espagnole prirent-ils les armes contre Napoléon?’, in
Les Espagnols et Napoléon: actes du colloque international d’Aix-en-Provence
(Aix-en-Provence, 1984), pp. 320–1; Nicole Gotteri,
Napoléon: stratégie politique et moyens de gouvernement: essai
(Paris, 2007), p. 136.
66
.
Dominique Dufour, baron de Pradt,
Mémoires historiques sur la révolution d’Espagne
(Paris, 1816), p. 109.
67
.
According to Pradt,
Mémoires historiques
, pp. 109–10.
68
.
Tulard,
Napoléon ou le mythe du sauveur
, p. 340; Tulard, ‘Les responsabilités françaises dans la Guerre d’Espagne’, in
Les Espagnols et Napoléon
, pp. 3–4.
69
.
Lentz,
Nouvelle histoire du Premier Empire
, iii. p. 701. Cambacérès, on the other hand, was against intervention in Spain, while Fouché is supposed to have warned Napoleon that conquest might not be all that easy (Cambacérès,
Mémoires inédites
, ii. pp. 211–12; Fouché,
Mémoires
, i. pp. 364–6). He was for that very reason marginalized from any further discussions on the subject (see Pasquier,
Mémoires
, i. pp. 328–30).
70
.
Caulaincourt,
Memoirs
, ii. pp. 171, 185. .
71
.
Corr.
xvii. n. 13776 (24 April 1808).
72
.
Esdaile,
Napoleon’s Wars
, pp. 333–5, 344; Charles Esdaile, ‘Deconstructing the French Wars: Napoleon as Anti-Strategist’,
Journal of Strategic Studies
, 31 (2008), 539–40; Esdaile,
The Peninsular War
, 24–36.
73
.
According to Esdaile,
Napoleon’s Wars
, p. 335.
74
.
Corr.
xvi. nos. 13737 and 13738 (12 April 1808).
75
.
Corr.
xvi. n. 13540 (8 February 1800); Desmond Gregory,
Sicily: The Insecure Base: A History of the British Occupation of Sicily, 1806–1815
(Rutherford, 1988), pp. 71–2; Gregory,
Napoleon’s Italy
, pp. 102, 103.
76
.
The following figures are taken from Richard Glover, ‘The French Fleet, 1807–1814: Britain’s Problem; and Madison’s Opportunity’,
Journal of Modern History
, 39 (1967), 233–4.

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