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Authors: Paul M. Angle

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If Galligan thought, as he apparently did, that the Klan would now leave law enforcement in his hands, he was quickly disillusioned. In the early-morning hours of Sunday, January 20, a
large number of Klansmen, led by Young, raided thirty-five places, chiefly in the small mining-camps, and made sixty-six arrests. Again the county seethed with dissension.

The Klan was riding high, and had no intention of abating its law-enforcement program regardless of what the sheriff might do. As usual, the preachers spoke for the hooded Knights. Meeting on January 23, the Williamson County Ministerial Union passed resolutions denouncing “exaggerated press reports” of conditions in the county and denying that either race or religion had anything to do with the clean-up. Young, whom so many were criticizing, was “a perfect gentleman” who had the respect of every good citizen in the county. He had already effected “the most perfect cleanup that has ever been pulled off in this state,” and he had done it, as he had promised, without bloodshed. “We want to say,” the ministers concluded, “that all this harangue and scandal is unjust and uncalled for, and we are not willing for it to go by without our protest.”

Not that Young needed advocates. On January 30, returning from a short trip to Kansas City, he gave an interview to the
East St. Louis Journal
in which he characterized Williamson County as the cleanest county in the United States, and called the police forces of Marion and Herrin the best in Illinois. Nevertheless, much remained to be done, and he promised that the raids would continue until the county was one hundred per cent perfect. They would be conducted independently of the sheriff, with whom he and the Klan would not co-operate. The next day, speaking before the Marion Rotary Club, he denied that he and his raiders had appropriated anything except illegal liquor and a few pistols, and charged that reports to that effect had been fabricated by the lawbreakers, mostly foreigners. He concluded with a pledge: “Raids will be continued monthly, semimonthly, or weekly if needed. I am making my home here and the raids will be continued until the bootleggers, gamblers, and other undesirables are driven out.”

Within twenty-four hours the biggest raid of all was under
way. Between 1,200 and 1,300 Klansmen gathered at Redmen’s Hall in Johnston City, where they were provided with state warrants issued by justices of the peace. At nine p.m. they fanned out over the county, but they had so many places on their lists that they continued to raid until noon the next day. Altogether, they found six stills, twenty-seven barrels of wine, fifty-four gallons of white mule, and two hundred gallons of home brew. They arrested 125 persons. These they herded into a special train, contracted for in advance, and took to Benton for arraignment before the United States commissioner. At their destination the prisoners were formed into a column, and with Young, armed with his forty-fives and sub-machine gun, at the head and armed guards on the flanks, marched to the public square. Thousands of spectators witnessed one of the most novel parades ever seen in an American city.

One week later Herrin exploded in the civil war so many had feared. The “trouble,” as the local newspapers called it, started with a meeting of anti-Klansmen at the Rome Club on Friday night, February 8. Galligan learned of the meeting, and though still ill, decided to make a personal effort to prevent an outbreak. Accompanied by John Layman, he walked in on the gathering and warned those present that there must be no violence. While he was talking, a man burst into the room and shouted: “The Klan are coming!” Several men, with guns drawn, rushed for the door.

The “Klan” turned out to be two members of Herrin’s new pro-Klan police force—John Ford, the chief, and Harold Crain. When Galligan and Layman reached the hallway they found the two policemen disarmed, hands up, and covered by an angry group that included Carl and Earl Shelton and Ora Thomas. Layman, fighting mad, grabbed Ford by the hair and shouted in his face:

“You damn dirty Ku Klux son-of-a-bitch, we’ve got you where we want you!”

Galligan ordered Ora Thomas to get the crowd back into the
meeting-room: he would take care of Layman and Ford. A scuffle followed, and someone fired a pistol. Layman sank to the floor, his hands over his bleeding chest. Then he struggled to his feet, and stumbled toward Ford.

“Here’s the dirty son-of-a-bitch that shot me,” he said. “Get him! Get him!”

Ora Thomas spoke up. “No, boys, Ford didn’t shoot Layman. I have his guns.”

Galligan ordered the crowd into the hall.

“Get back into the hall, hell, and get us all killed!” Carl Shelton exploded.

“No, by God!” shouted Hezzie Byrnes. “Get them machine guns and get out on the sidewalk and kill every son-of-a-bitch that comes up!”

Earl Shelton jeered: “Where’s Mage Anderson [mayor of Herrin]? Go tell him here is his God damned police!”

Galligan, seeing that he had a riot on his hands, hurried the two policemen down the stairs. At the foot of the stairway they met a third officer, about to go up. The sheriff disarmed the newcomer, commandeered a car at the curb, ordered his prisoners in, and told the driver to go to Marion. There he telephoned the Adjutant General, warned him that hell was about to break loose in Herrin, and urgently asked for troops. Then, fearing a lynching, he took the Herrin policemen to the Jackson County jail in Murphysboro.

Shortly after Galligan spirited away his prisoners, the young son of Caesar Cagle, a Herrin constable who had made a quick transition from bootlegger to Klansman, passed the Rome Club on his way home from a picture show. One of the men in the crowd on the sidewalk told him that there had been a fight and that he had better find his father. He telephoned home, learned that his father was at the Masonic Temple, and went there for him. Father and son started out together, but the boy soon turned off to go home and Cagle went on alone. Near the Jefferson Hotel he met a crowd of men, twenty or twenty-five in number.
One of them called out: “Here he is!” Three shots rang out. The men ran, leaving Cagle lying on the sidewalk. Bystanders carried him to the Herrin hospital, where he died within a few minutes. John Layman, seriously wounded, had been brought in half an hour earlier.

The news of Cagle’s death spread over the county in a few
minutes, and armed Klansmen converged on Herrin. Young, in Marion at the time of the shooting, reached Herrin within a half hour. There he took charge, sending hundreds of men to patrol the streets and the roads leading into the city. The patrolmen stopped all cars and demanded the password of their occupants. Those who could not give it were ordered off the streets or turned back at the city limits.

Downtown Herrin, Scene of the Klan War

  1.
CATHOLIC CHURCH

  2.
CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL

  3.
PARISH HOUSE

  4.
SMITH GARAGE

  5.
LIBERTY HOTEL

  6.
EUROPEAN HOTEL

  7.
CITY HALL AND JAIL

  8.
LY-MAR HOTEL

  9.
ROME CLUB

10.
JEFFERSON HOTEL

11.
MASONIC TEMPLE

12.
BAPTIST CHURCH

13.
HERRIN HOSPITAL

14.
CHRISTIAN CHURCH

15.
METHODIST CHURCH

Klansmen swore out warrants charging Galligan, Ora Thomas, C. E. Anderson, mayor of Herrin, and several others with the murder of Cagle. When word came that Thomas and Anderson were at the hospital with Layman, Young, followed by several hundred Klansmen, went after them. Finding the door locked, Young shouted a demand for admission. Dr. J. T. Black, the proprietor, refused to admit him. Young’s followers pounded on the door and, when it held fast, fired into the panels.

As Dr. Black ran upstairs the firing became general. Windowpanes, shattered by bullets, crashed to the floor. Patients screamed. Those who could move slipped to the relative safety of the floor; the others were lifted from their beds by the doctor, the nurses, and visitors.

In an adjoining building that served as an annex to the hospital four men ordered the frightened employees, all women, into the basement. One of them said: “We’re going to blow the hospital to hell and kill everybody we can get our hands on.” Another told the women: “We don’t want Layman; we want Ora Thomas.”

The firing continued. Occasionally one of the men inside the building—the little group of those who had brought in John Layman or had come to inquire about him during the evening—risked his life by crawling to a window and firing a clip into the darkness, but that was too hazardous to attempt very often.

About three a.m. the first troops arrived. Twenty men from the Carbondale company under Major Robert W. Davis, with rifles loaded and bayonets fixed, walked into the midst of the attacking mob and ordered its members to disperse. Although they
outnumbered the guardsmen twenty-five to one, they slunk away.

When dawn broke, and it became light enough to survey the damage, the floors of the hospital were found to be covered with broken glass, and bullet marks pitted every wall facing an outside window. Miraculously, not a single person, inside the hospital or out of it, had been wounded.
§

On Saturday morning Herrin discovered that despite the presence of troops it was in the hands of the Klan. Armed Klansmen, wearing crude stars cut from tin, patrolled the streets and kept crowds from forming, while in the city hall S. Glenn Young, calling himself acting chief of police, heard the reports of men he had sworn in as deputy policemen, directed that arrests be made, and ordered prisoners to jail. A sentry stood at the door of the office he had pre-empted, and no one who could not give the Klan password was admitted.

At Young’s direction Mayor Anderson was arrested, charged with murdering Cagle, and thrown in jail. Galligan, in Carbondale on Saturday morning, was arrested on the same charge and held there until Klansmen from Herrin called for him. In the city hall his captors led him before Young, who wore his broad-brimmed hat and pearl-handled automatics even while he sat in the city judge’s chair. “I find you guilty of the murder of Caesar Cagle,” Young told the sheriff, and ordered him to jail.

Young and the Klansmen behaved with incredible vindictiveness. When Galligan asked one of the jailers, a fellow lodge-member, to get him some fever medicine, he was told: “You won’t need fever medicine by the time we get through with you.” Harold Crain, the Herrin policeman whom he had arrested on Friday night and who had since been released, came up to his cell and said: “George, you saved my life Friday night and I’ll do what I can to help you.” Young, who overheard the offer, barked out: “No, we’ll show no sympathy for this son-of-a-bitch.”
Coroner McCown, who under the law had become acting sheriff by reason of the sheriff’s incapacity, demanded that Young give him custody of his prisoner. Young refused. When McCown asked him how it was that he had more authority than the sheriff, he answered: “I have just as much authority as you have.”

On Sunday, February 10, the Klan made the funeral of Caesar Cagle the occasion for a demonstration of its strength. Crowds filled the large auditorium of the First Baptist Church long before two p.m., when the services were to begin, and thousands stood in the churchyard and on the street. The funeral procession included a double line of men more than a block long. An American flag covered the casket when it was carried into the church. There a huge blanket of flowers, white except for the green letters, KKK, was laid upon it, while at the side stood a “fiery cross” of red roses. In his sermon the Rev. P. H. Glotfelty referred to Cagle as a martyr in the cause of law and order, and proclaimed that he fell in line of duty. The “liquor element” was responsible for his death. “But these lawless actions will not deter us,” Glotfelty promised. “Rather must we be encouraged and strengthened to carry out the work of good citizenship that is before us.”

At the conclusion of the service five thousand people, more than had ever attended a funeral in Williamson County, passed by the coffin and viewed the body.

Shortly before the Cagle funeral Galligan was removed from the Herrin jail, and for twenty-four hours his whereabouts were unknown. At the end of the day Mayor Anderson was still behind the bars. Though several companies of guardsmen now patrolled the streets, no one had yet interfered with the man who held all power in his hands. That night Louis LaCoss of the
St. Louis Globe-Democrat
summarized the situation in a dispatch to his paper:

Young performed his duties in the Police Department as usual tonight. He dined in his room in a hotel adjacent to
the City Hall and walked back without escort to his office. Two vicious-looking automatics, however, were girded to his thigh.… His deputized officers, none in uniform, but each provided with a telltale star of substantial proportions, still patrol the streets, and the familiar command of “keep moving” was heard tonight, both from them and the soldier squads.

*
Strictly speaking, a committee of the Williamson County Law and Order League. But the Law and Order League and the Klan were co-operating so closely as to be virtually indistinguishable.


I have not been able to find out who recommended Young to the Williamson County Klan. In its issue of September 2, 1924, the
Herrin Semi-Weekly Herald,
official Klan organ, asserted that Roy A. Haynes “recommended that Mr. Young come to Williamson County.” But in a telegram to the
St. Louis Star,
September 3, 1924, Haynes stated flatly: “I did not send S. Glenn Young nor have I recommended him at any time to any one.” According to John Smith, Herrin Klan leader, “a Senator recommended Glenn Young to us as a man who could show us how to proceed.” John Whitesides, a leading Klansman of Marion, said the committee that visited Washington got in touch with Young “accidentally.” Young himself, in a statement to the Associated Press, February 11, 1924, stated: “Four years ago, while I was a federal prohibition enforcement officer, I raided Herrin and parts of Williamson County single-handed, and because the people in this county who are desirous of law enforcement were pleased with my work they sent for me.”


On March 14, 1924, the Williamson County grand jury reported: “We further find that during the so-called raids by the Ku Klux Klan … numerous people were robbed, beaten, abused and in many instances imprisoned secretly without any legal process and wholly without justifiable cause.” And on February 11, 1927, Harold G. Baker of East St. Louis, United States District Attorney, wrote of the Klan raids to the Attorney General: “There is no doubt in my mind but what the rights of citizens and the rights of property were totally disregarded in many cases.” Baker was not in office in 1923–4, and had no reason for prejudice. His opinion was based on a careful study of files in his office.

§
A boy, operated on for appendicitis the afternoon of February 8, died the following morning—undoubtedly from the shock of the night’s events.

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