Agincourt (56 page)

13 W&W, i, pp. 472-4;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 268-9; Allmand (ed),
Society at War
, pp. 136-40.
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14 W&W, i, pp. 477-9;
Letter-Books
, p. 144.
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15
Webster’s Biographical Dictionary
, p. 1570;
Foedera
, ix, p. 310; Sylvia L. Thrupp,
The Merchant Class of Medieval London (1300-1500)
(University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1948), pp. 55, 374; W&W, i, pp. 147 and n. 5, 360-1, 365. For Hende, see Thrupp, op. cit., p. 127.
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16 Morosini,
Chronique
, pp. 20-3; Jeremy Catto, “The King’s Servants,” in
HVPK
, p. 82; W&W, i, p. 474.
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17 Ibid., i, p. 474 n. 4;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 271, 284, 312.
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18 W&W, i, pp. 472 nn. 1-6, 473 n. 6.
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19 Monstrelet, iii, p. 71.
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20
CPR
, p. 344.
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21 Maurice Keen,
Origins of the English Gentleman
(Tempus, Stroud and Charleston, SC, 2002), p. 95;
Foedera
, ix, p. 216;
CCR
, pp. 270, 271-2. For examples of indentures for life service, including some issued by Henry as prince of Wales, see Michael Jones and Simon Walker, “Private Indentures for Life Service in Peace and War 1278-1476,”
Camden Miscellany xxxii
(Royal Historical Society, London, 1994), pp. 1-190, esp. pp. 139-43.
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22
POPC
, ii, pp. 150-1; Curry, p. 414.
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23 MS E101/69/5, TNA; MS E101/47/29, TNA. For published examples of indentures signed on 29 April 1415, see
Foedera
, ix, pp. 227-38; Nicolas, Appx ii, pp. 8-10. MS E101/45/5, TNA, summarises the terms of 210 indentures for the Agincourt campaign.
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24 At the battle of Agincourt the ratio rose to five to one because so many men-at-arms were invalided home from Harfleur. See below, pp. 208, 219, 260-1, 283.
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25 MS E101/69/5, TNA;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 223, 230. Welsh foot archers received only 3d a day in 1355 (Strickland and Hardy, p. 204). For the regard, see Ayton, “English Armies in the Fourteenth Century,” in Curry and Hughes, pp. 24-5.
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26 Ayton, “Arms, Armour, and Horses,” in Keen,
MW
, p. 188; Thrupp,
The Merchant Class of Medieval London
, pp. 276-7, 224; Christopher Dyer,
Everyday Life in Medieval England
(Hambledon Press, London and Rio Grande, 1994), pp. 148, 167, 188; D. Knoop and G. P. Jones,
The Medieval Mason
(3rd edn, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1967), pp. 72, 86-7.
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27 Strickland and Hardy, pp. 204-5. The social status of archers had risen steadily throughout the fourteenth century as the demands of war (in particular, the
chevauchée
) required them to be mounted. Richard II’s ordinances of war (1385) placed them on a par with men-at-arms, and distinguished them from foot archers, when setting out punishment. Ibid., p. 204.
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28 MS E101/47/29, TNA. The payment for the first quarter was higher than for the second quarter because it was calculated at Gascon rates.
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29 Nicolas, pp. 373-4.
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30 MS E101/47/29, TNA; Nicolas, p. 15.
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31 Ibid., pp. 16-18.
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32 MS E101/69/5, TNA;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 227-8. For similar indentures, see ibid., pp. 228-30, 233-5, 244, 250.
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33 Ayton, “Arms, Armour, and Horses,” in Keen,
MW
, p. 191.
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34 Ibid., pp. 191-2, 188, 195.
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35 Ibid., p. 197. For a reference in the king’s ordinances at Rouen in 1419 to “all maner of men, Ryding or taryeng wyth us in oure hoste or vnder our baner, thoughe they Receue no wages of vs or our Realme,” see Allmand (ed),
Society at War
, p. 82.
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36 MS E101/69/5, TNA. In January 1416, Sir John Grey received a thousand marks (£666 13s 4d) from the king in part payment for the Count of Eu, whom he had captured at Agincourt: Devon, pp. 344-5. See below, pp. 133, 327-8, for examples of ransoms of French prisoners after Agincourt.
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37 Anne Curry, “Sir Thomas Erpingham: A Life in Arms,” in Curry,
Agincourt 1415
, pp. 74-5 and pls. 23 and 24. For Chaucer’s accounts see MS E101/47/29, TNA.
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38 Ibid., p. 66; MS E101/45/5, TNA. See also Wylie, “Notes on the Agincourt Roll,” pp. 107-8, 140, 111; Nicolas, p. 383.
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39
Foedera
, ix, p. 258; Nicolas, pp. 10-11; Maurice Keen, “Richard II’s Ordinances of War of 1385,” in Archer and Walker (eds),
Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England
, pp. 35-6.
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CHAPTER EIGHT: THE ARMY GATHERS

1 W&W, i, pp. 484-6;
Letter-Books
, p. 138.
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2
St-Denys
, v, pp. 512-27; Monstrelet, iii, pp. 73-4.
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3 W&W, i, pp. 505-8; Morosini,
Chronique
, ii, pp. 34-7.
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4 W&W, i, pp. 500-1.
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5 Carey,
Courting Disaster
, pp. 93-6, 106-9; Christine de Pizan,
The Writings of Christine de Pizan
, selected and edited by Charity Cannon Willard (Persea Books, New York, 1994), pp. 17-21; Lewis,
Later Medieval France: The Polity
, pp. 24-5.
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6 W&W, i, pp. 500, 502, 503-5.
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7 Ibid., i, pp. 506-7, 505 n. 6.
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8
Foedera
, ix, pp. 223, 239-40, 243, 262;
CPR
, p. 353;
POPC
, ii, pp. 157, 168;
Public Record Office, London: Lists and Indexes Supplementary Series
, no. ix, vol. ii (Klaus Reprint Corporation, New York, 1964), Appx, p. 382.
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9
Foedera
, ix, p. 223;
CCR
, pp. 268, 280; Nicolas, p. 385;
POPC
, ii, pp. 145-7, 165.
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10
Foedera
, ix, pp. 255-6; Hitchin, “The Bowman and the Bow,” p. 40.
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11 Pizan,
BDAC
, p. 214;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 253-4;
CCR
, pp. 213-14, 218.
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12 Ibid.; Heath,
Church and Realm 1272-1461
, p. 284. Arrays of clergy were more frequent in the see of York: they were also called out twice in 1417, again (with the see of Canterbury) in 1418, and several times in 1419. The only bishopric omitted from Henry’s writ was that of Sodor and Man, which until
c
.1387 had been a Scottish see. Local clergymen who had mustered at Beverley fought against the Scots at the battle of Neville’s Cross (1346), “taking off their shoes and their hoods, [they] showed themselves with swords and arrows at their waists and bows under their arms” (Strickland and Hardy, p. 190). See also ibid., p. 259.
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13 Mowbray MS;
ODNB
; Harris, “The King and his Magnates,” in
HVPK
, p. 41.
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14 Mowbray MS, fo. 21. The earl had contracted to serve in person with four knights, forty-five esquires and 150 archers. Like many of those raising retinues, the number of men he actually engaged to fight in his service differed from the figure for which he had contracted, hence the importance of the muster. The earl had received his first payment at the higher Gascon rate; the second payment was made at the French rate. The fact that the earl paid his men at the French rate may indicate that a decision had been taken by 1 July to go to France, rather than Aquitaine. On the other hand, it may simply reflect his shortage of cash: an adjustment could have been made later.
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15 Mowbray MS, fo. 21. A further fourteen men, whose status is unclear, were given payments ranging from 21s to 38s under a heading that appears to mean “Regard for Welshmen for the expedition”: at least two of the names are obviously Welsh.
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16 Mowbray MS fo. 21;
Forty-Fourth Annual Report
, pp. 561-3, 565-70;
CPR
, p. 370.
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17
Forty-Fourth Annual Report
, pp. 566, 561. The archer was John Riggele alias Power, in the retinue of Sir John Fastolf.
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18 Mowbray MS, fo. 13.
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19 Le Févre, i, p. 253. The French similarly cut down their lances to fight on foot at Poitiers (1356): Strickland and Hardy, pp. 234, 249.
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20 Barker,
The Tournament in England
, pp. 23, 157-8. For a sixteenth-century example, see Marks and Williamson (eds),
Gothic Art for England 1400-1547
, p. 198.
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21 Mowbray MS, fos 13, 15, 14.
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22 Mowbray MS, fos 12, 11. The shields could have been for Mowbray’s archers, though forty-eight would not have provided enough for even a third of his contingent.
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23
ELMA
, p. 181; Strickland and Hardy, p. 201; Mowbray MS, fo. 9. The earl bought thirty-eight “crosses” from Nicholas Armourer: ibid., fo. 13. For the wearing of St George’s cross, see below, p. 162.
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24 Mowbray MS, fos 14-16.
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25 Harriss, “The King and his Magnates,” in
HVPK
, p. 41; Nicolas, Appx. xvii.
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26 Wylie, “Notes on the Agincourt Roll,” p. 135; Powell, p. 235: MS E404/31/315, TNA. Only a handful of the Welsh archers were mounted.
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27 MS E404/31/386, TNA; MS E101/45/5, TNA. Curry, p. 414, describes them as being from the Forest of Dean, but Greyndor was an Anglo/ Welsh knight from south Wales.
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28 MS E101/45/5, TNA; Nicolas, p. 386;
Public Record Office: Lists and Indexes
, no. ix, vol. ii, pp. 390-1. Examples are Gerard Van Willighen, Hans Joye, Frederick Van Heritt, Claus Van Roosty and Martin van Osket.
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29 Benedeyt Spina, the envoy who was ordered to bring the brides, was in London on 8 June 1415, but apparently without his charges: as late as 30 October they were still in Aquitaine and the authorities in Bordeaux decided that it was too late in the season to send them:
Calendar of Signet Letters of Henry IV and Henry V (1399-1422)
, ed. by J. L. Kirby (HMSO, London, 1978), p. 197 no. 962;
Registres de la Jurade
, pp. 194, 232, 254, 279.
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30 Nicolas, pp. 386, 388-9; Jim Bradbury,
The Medieval Siege
(Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 1992), pp. 197, 241-2, 270; MS E404/31/409, TNA lists only twenty-five cordwainers, led by George Benet, master cordwainer, not twenty-six as in Nicolas, p. 388.
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31 MS E101/45/5, MS E404/31/437 and MS E404/31/416, TNA; Nicolas, pp. 387-9; W&W, ii, p. 186 n. 2.
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32 Nicolas, pp. 387-9; Wylie, “Notes on the Agincourt Roll,” p. 139. For Bordiu, see
Henrici Quinti, Angliae Regis, Gesta
, ed. by Bernard Williams (English Historical Society, London, 1850), p. vii. The various identities suggested for the chaplain are discussed, but in the absence of positive evidence, no conclusion is reached in
GHQ
, pp. xviii-xxiii.
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33 See, for example, the dancing nakerer in the fourteenth-century Luttrell Psalter: BL MS Add 42130 fo. 176.
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34
Foedera
, ix, pp. 255, 260; Southworth,
The English Medieval Minstrel
, pp. 113-14, 115, 174 n. 47.
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35 Ibid., pp. 47 and n. 21, 117, 15.
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36
Foedera
, ix, pp. 255, 260; Southworth,
The English Medieval Minstrel
, pp. 113-14, 119, 143-6, 174 n. 47, 187. In 1433 Clyff’s widow was still claiming £33 6s for his retinue’s unpaid wages for the Agincourt campaign: see below p. 347.
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37 Maurice Keen,
Chivalry
(Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1984), pp. 126-7, 134-7, 138.
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38 Ibid., p. 134.
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39 Garter king of arms was nevertheless “taken prisoner . . . and his goods taken from him [by] the King’s enemies” when travelling through France on a royal errand to the earl of Warwick in 1438: Devon, p. 436.
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40 Nicolas, p. 387.
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41 Nicolas, p. 387;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 235-6, 237-8, 252-3; Barbara Harvey,
Living and Dying in England 1100-1540: The Monastic Experience
(Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1993), pp. 83, 85-6, 232-4; Talbot and Hammond,
The Medical Practitioners in Medieval England: A Biographical Register
, p. 100.
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42 Ibid., pp. 220-2; MS E404/31/359, TNA;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 235-6.
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43 Beck,
The Cutting Edge
, pp. 85, 92, 79;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 237-8, 252-3.
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