A.D. After Disclosure: When the Government Finally Reveals the Truth About Alien Contact (44 page)

One, for example, concerns an assistant secretary to a branch of the armed forces in a new Republican administration. This person told a family friend that he had been “briefed” for some eight weeks at an underground facility outside of Washington. Asked the purpose of the briefing, this highly placed man, who went on to become a cabinet secretary, said, “There is intelligent life in the universe. It’s here. And I’ve seen it.”

The man said that the information he had been given caused him to cry himself to sleep for a number of nights. The reason, he told his shocked listener, was that he had children. “This is not the kind of world I thought they’d grow up in.”
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What kinds of things are going on that require months-long briefings in underground facilities and cause grown men to cry? The cabinet secretary told the family friend that aliens were just the “tip of the iceberg” in terms of mind-blowing revelations.

It is clear, then, that large underground facilities not only are real, but are connected in some way with the reality of ETs or “Others” here on Earth.

We should ask ourselves: Who are the people who briefed the incoming cabinet member on the nature of the Others? Presumably, these would be the representatives of Majestic, or whatever the organization is being called now. That they can traumatize a worldly, intelligent professional with dramatic new information about the nature of reality reinforces the idea that we are, indeed, talking about a Breakaway civilization.

The combination of secrecy, money, new technologies, new types of encounters, and physical separateness make up for a different state of mind that exists among such a group.

After all, perhaps the key feature that defines a distinct civilization is its belief system—its paradigm, in the fullest sense of that word. That is,
the sum total of beliefs concerning one’s place in the universe, as well as one’s knowledge of other civilizations. Here, too, the world of Majestic appears to have developed something entirely different from the rest of us. After all, it is a world that may have its own space program, a vastly more powerful computing and artificial intelligence, biotechnology that may be off the charts by our standards. With all this, it could well be in some form of contact with intelligent non-human groups. One can only wonder at the changes in worldview that would be launched by such regular contact. In all likelihood, it is a world in which the fabric of reality is understood in a way that we have not begun to grasp. Its members may see themselves as so far removed from the rest of us that they have given up on the possibility of bringing us to their level. They may not even see the rest of humanity as “fully” human.

Unlocking the Door

This Breakaway Group is a key component in any post-Disclosure exopolitical equation. It ought to be a major priority of a U.S. president, along with other national leaders, to gain control over it. The question is, will any occupant of the Oval Office have the courage to try?

The answer depends not only on the ambitions of the president, but his or her ability to manage and influence the key levers of power within the government. No president can do this alone.

A glaring reality of our era is that the law is not being followed regarding presidential control over the UFO situation. Some apparently are briefed on the matter, others not.

One inside source has told the authors of his “professional knowledge” that Presidents Reagan and Bush (senior) were briefed on UFOs and extraterrestrials, and is near certainty that President Carter had also been briefed. He was less certain about President Clinton, and felt confident that President George W. Bush had not been briefed. Another well-placed individual said that President Obama had been briefed on the bare essentials of the UFO/ET reality, but that he had no influence over policy. The distinct impression was made that the briefing was not mandatory. It was given, the insider said, “out of respect” for the president’s office.
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Yet another story related to the authors, given by a retired officer from one of the U.S. military services, underscores the lack of power held by the U.S. president on this matter. An elderly man lay on his deathbed, speaking in a secured medical facility to the officer, who was accompanied by a security detail. Long before, the dying man had handled alien wreckage and seen alien bodies. The officer interviewed the man for some time, comparing notes. The bodies the man had seen were definitely not human: they were short, had large heads, and had fairly human-looking eyes—not the black, insect-like eyes attributed to the “Grays.”

Near the end of their meeting, the officer opined that it was a shame the man’s story could not be revealed, that it was a matter of importance to the world. The man replied that he could never talk, that he had taken a life-long secrecy oath. Yes, but wouldn’t it be wonderful, said the officer, if the man were released from his oath, say, by an executive order from the president?

The dying man’s answer was startling and instructive: “It would take a hell of a lot more than an Executive Order from the president to release me from my oath.”

When asked by one of the authors what this meant, the officer replied that, obviously, it meant someone else was in charge. When asked if this meant an international control group, something like the Bilderbergers, was in charge, his answer was, “Yes, something like that.”
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John Podesta, a senior advisor to President Clinton and the transition chief for the Obama Administration, has been outspoken on the need for openness on the matter of UFOs, while implicitly acknowledging the lack of presidential authority on the matter. At the National Press Club in 2007, he said, “I think it’s time to open the books on questions that have remained in the dark on the question of UFOs. It’s time to find out what the truth really is that’s out there. We ought to do it because it is right. We ought to do it because the American people, quite frankly, can handle the truth, and we ought to do it because it is the law.”
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Whether justified or not, the UFO phenomenon has prompted the creation of a sprawling, illegal, extra-constitutional structure, beyond the control of the highest elected official in the land and beyond the oversight of the citizen’s elected representatives.

This unlawful structure no doubt explains why the record on presidential briefing appears to be so spotty. If the president is aware of the illegal nature of the cover-up, as the sworn chief executive of the country, his oath would demand action. Therefore, knowing the bare essentials sounds like a useful compromise. The president knows that the challenge is real, but is assured that competent people are on the job. The less he knows about specifics, the greater his plausible deniability.

All indications are that congressional representatives are not briefed on this matter. How can prominent elected officials worldwide—the people entrusted by citizens around the world to run their governments—be so in the dark about this great secret? The answer lies with the secret-keepers themselves who appear to believe that revealing the presence of extraterrestrials is too dangerous a step, and that elected officials represent the ultimate security risk.

When Disclosure finally moves from impossible to inevitable, politics will take the most prominent seat at the table.

Politically Incorrect

The first problem of one’s “exopolitics” is deciding what to think of the Others. This will depend on the evidence that has been provided about them, and possibly whether any of them are discussed in a Disclosure statement. No doubt, one’s exopolitics will also be tied in some way to their current political beliefs, whether these be liberal, conservative, radical, or anything else.

Let us speculate that Disclosure is forced (say, by an undeniable mass sighting), but no extraterrestrials are produced, and none come forward. This will cause no small headache for the ruling groups, to say nothing for the rest of us.

In that case, even the existence of the Others will be treated politically. Everything else is treated that way, from immigration to national defense; it will be the same for Disclosure. First, the president will be advised on what to do and how to do it. The advice will probably boil down to this:

“Mister President, if you decide that we need to be forthcoming on this issue, then we will need to act quickly. If our opponents get a clear picture of what is going on, they may go public before we do. If they do, you will look like part of the problem. They will taint you with the decades of lies, and you will forever be on the defensive. Say the word and we will discretely prepare your announcement—coordinating with the allies will be the toughest part—but we’ll use a cover story to divert attention. Then you just go out there and lay it out. We need you to come across as open, but more than just a little bit pissed off. You need to place yourself on the side of the people and promise them more information. It’s like the campaign, sir, you have to run against the Establishment.”

The Pottery Barn rule also applies here: You break it, you bought it. Whichever party controls the presidency will own Disclosure, an unpredictable place to be. But once the decision has been made in the White House, the only viable option for the party in power will be to jump all over it, then hope that the opposition is confused enough to be slow off the marks.

In the United States, there will be a national coming together, a closing of ranks. The party in power will reach out to the opposition in the spirit of bipartisanship, and the outsiders will have to play along. But as the days turn to weeks and the weeks into months, the disruptions and difficulties will become policy issues. The opposition leadership will then be free to embrace the president’s goals, but not his methods. He and his party will be accused of incompetence and partisanship. Whichever party is in power will be accused by the opposition of acting too slowly, or too fast, or too strongly, or not strongly enough.

Beyond the policy implementation aspect, it is interesting to consider whether the two major parties in the United States will have an exopolitical “attitude” that forms with time in the world after Disclosure.

One might imagine the Democratic party tending toward inclusion. We may hear statements implying that the Others are innocent until proven guilty. They may tend to press for conciliatory gestures on the part of the nations of the Earth, and messages of peace. They—or more accurately, their constituents—will more likely see the glass as half full. They may even press for the United Nations to grow in strength and become the leading voice speaking for the Earth.

Defining the future. The rules constantly change and so does the game. A vote taking place at the United Nations Security Council
. Photo courtesy of UN Photo/Mark Garten

The Republican party, in contrast, will move toward security first. They will invoke President Ronald Reagan’s famous phrase from Cold War missile negotiations, “Trust, but verify.” They will argue that gestures need to be made from a position of strength, given that the Others have shown such a consistent interest in human military capabilities since the 1940s.
They will certainly not trust the United Nations to speak for anyone, let alone the United States. It is to be remembered, also, that a substantial portion of Republican Party strength draws from Bible-belt Christians, who will be likely to see the Others as demonic.