A People's History of the United States (45 page)
Read A People's History of the United States Online
Authors: Howard Zinn
Popular support of the Cuban revolution was based on the thought that they, like the Americans of 1776, were fighting a war for their own liberation. The United States government, however, the conservative product of another revolutionary war, had power and profit in mind as it observed the events in Cuba. Neither Cleveland, President during the first years of the Cuban revolt, nor McKinley, who followed, recognized the insurgents officially as belligerents; such legal recognition would have enabled the United States to give aid to the rebels without sending an army. But there may have been fear that the rebels would win on their own and keep the United States out.
There seems also to have been another kind of fear. The Cleveland administration said a Cuban victory might lead to “the establishment of a white and a black republic,” since Cuba had a mixture of the two races. And the black republic might be dominant. This idea was expressed in 1896 in an article in
The Saturday Review
by a young and eloquent imperialist, whose mother was American and whose father was EnglishâWinston Churchill. He wrote that while Spanish rule was bad and the rebels had the support of the people, it would be better for Spain to keep control:
A grave danger represents itself. Two-fifths of the insurgents in the field are negroes. These men . . . would, in the event of success, demand a predominant share in the government of the country . . . the result being, after years of fighting, another black republic.
The reference to “another” black republic meant Haiti, whose revolution against France in 1803 had led to the first nation run by blacks in the New World. The Spanish minister to the United States wrote to the U.S. Secretary of State:
In this revolution, the negro element has the most important part. Not only the principal leaders are colored men, but at least eight-tenths of their supporters. . . . and the result of the war, if the Island can be declared independent, will be a secession of the black element and a black Republic.
As Philip Foner says in his two-volume study
The Spanish-Cuban-American War,
“The McKinley Administration had plans for dealing with the Cuban situation, but these did not include independence for the island.” He points to the administration's instructions to its minister to Spain, Stewart Woodford, asking him to try to settle the war because it “injuriously affects the normal function of business, and tends to delay the condition of prosperity,” but not mentioning freedom and justice for the Cubans. Foner explains the rush of the McKinley administration into war (its ultimatum gave Spain little time to negotiate) by the fact that “if the United States waited too long, the Cuban revolutionary forces would emerge victorious, replacing the collapsing Spanish regime.”
In February 1898, the U.S. battleship
Maine,
in Havana harbor as a symbol of American interest in the Cuban events, was destroyed by a mysterious explosion and sank, with the loss of 268 men. There was no evidence ever produced on the cause of the explosion, but excitement grew swiftly in the United States, and McKinley began to move in the direction of war. Walter Lafeber says:
The President did not want war; he had been sincere and tireless in his efforts to maintain the peace. By mid-March, however, he was beginning to discover that, although he did not want war, he did want what only a war could provide: the disappearance of the terrible uncertainty in American political and economic life, and a solid basis from which to resume the building of the new American commercial empire.
At a certain point in that spring, both McKinley and the business community began to see that their object, to get Spain out of Cuba, could not be accomplished without war, and that their accompanying object, the securing of American military and economic influence in Cuba, could not be left to the Cuban rebels, but could be ensured only by U.S. intervention. The New York
Commercial Advertiser,
at first against war, by March 10 asked intervention in Cuba for “humanity and love of freedom, and above all, the desire that the commerce and industry of every part of the world shall have full freedom of development in the whole world's interest.”
Before this, Congress had passed the Teller Amendment, pledging the United States not to annex Cuba. It was initiated and supported by those people who were interested in Cuban independence and opposed to American imperialism, and also by business people who saw the “open door” as sufficient and military intervention unnecessary. But by the spring of 1898, the business community had developed a hunger for action. The
Journal of Commerce
said: “The Teller amendment . . . must be interpreted in a sense somewhat different from that which its author intended it to bear.”
There were special interests who would benefit directly from war. In Pittsburgh, center of the iron industry, the Chamber of Commerce advocated force, and the
Chattanooga Tradesman
said that the possibility of war “has decidedly stimulated the iron trade.” It also noted that “actual war would very decidedly enlarge the business of transportation.” In Washington, it was reported that a “belligerent spirit” had infected the Navy Department, encouraged “by the contractors for projectiles, ordnance, ammunition and other supplies, who have thronged the department since the destruction of the Maine.”
Russell Sage, the banker, said that if war came, “There is no question as to where the rich men stand.” A survey of businessmen said that John Jacob Astor, William Rockefeller, and Thomas Fortune Ryan were “feeling militant.” And J. P. Morgan believed further talk with Spain would accomplish nothing.
On March 21, 1898, Henry Cabot Lodge wrote McKinley a long letter, saying he had talked with “bankers, brokers, businessmen, editors, clergymen and others” in Boston, Lynn, and Nahant, and “everybody,” including “the most conservative classes,” wanted the Cuban question “solved.” Lodge reported: “They said for business one shock and then an end was better than a succession of spasms such as we must have if this war in Cuba went on.” On March 25, a telegram arrived at the White House from an adviser to McKinley, saying: “Big corporations here now believe we will have war. Believe all would welcome it as relief to suspense.”
Two days after getting this telegram, McKinley presented an ultimatum to Spain, demanding an armistice. He said nothing about independence for Cuba. A spokesman for the Cuban rebels, part of a group of Cubans in New York, interpreted this to mean the U.S. simply wanted to replace Spain. He responded:
In the face of the present proposal of intervention without previous recognition of independence, it is necessary for us to go a step farther and say that we must and will regard such intervention as nothing less than a declaration of war by the United States against the Cuban revolutionists. . . .
Indeed, when McKinley asked Congress for war on April 11, he did not recognize the rebels as belligerents or ask for Cuban independence. Nine days later, Congress, by joint resolution, gave McKinley the power to intervene. When American forces moved into Cuba, the rebels welcomed them, hoping the Teller Amendment would guarantee Cuban independence.
Many histories of the Spanish-American war have said that “public opinion” in the United States led McKinley to declare war on Spain and send forces to Cuba. True, certain influential newspapers had been pushing hard, even hysterically. And many Americans, seeing the aim of intervention as Cuban independenceâand with the Teller Amendment as guarantee of this intentionâsupported the idea. But would McKinley have gone to war because of the press and some portion of the public (we had no public opinion surveys at that time) without the urging of the business community? Several years after the Cuban war, the chief of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce of the Department of Commerce wrote about that period:
Underlying the popular sentiment, which might have evaporated in time, which forced the United States to take up arms against Spanish rule in Cuba, were our economic relations with the West Indies and the South American republics. . . . The Spanish-American War was but an incident of a general movement of expansion which had its roots in the changed environment of an industrial capacity far beyond our domestic powers of consumption. It was seen to be necessary for us not only to find foreign purchasers for our goods, but to provide the means of making access to foreign markets easy, economical and safe.
American labor unions had sympathy for the Cuban rebels as soon as the insurrection against Spain began in 1895. But they opposed American expansionism. Both the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor spoke against the idea of annexing Hawaii, which McKinley proposed in 1897. Despite the feeling for the Cuban rebels, a resolution calling for U.S. intervention was defeated at the 1897 convention of the AFL. Samuel Gompers of the AFL wrote to a friend: “The sympathy of our movement with Cuba is genuine, earnest, and sincere, but this does not for a moment imply that we are committed to certain adventurers who are apparently suffering from Hysteria. . . .”
When the explosion of the
Maine
in February led to excited calls for war in the press, the monthly journal of the International Association of Machinists agreed it was a terrible disaster, but it noted that the deaths of workers in industrial accidents drew no such national clamor. It pointed to the Lattimer Massacre of September 10, 1897, during a coal strike in Pennsylvania. Miners marching on a highway to the Lattimer mineâAustrians, Hungarians, Italians, Germansâwho had originally been imported as strikebreakers but then organized themselves, refused to disperse, whereupon the sheriff and his deputies opened fire, killing nineteen of them, most shot in the back, with no outcry in the press. The labor journal said that the
. . . carnival of carnage that takes place every day, month and year in the realm of industry, the thousands of useful lives that are annually sacrificed to the Moloch of greed, the blood tribute paid by labor to capitalism, brings forth no shout for vengeance and reparation. . . . Death comes in thousands of instances in mill and mine, claims his victims, and no popular uproar is heard.
The official organ of the Connecticut AFL,
The Craftsman,
also warned about the hysteria worked up by the sinking of the
Maine
:
A gigantic . . . and cunningly-devised scheme is being worked ostensibly to place the United States in the front rank as a naval and military power. The real reason is that the capitalists will have the whole thing and, when any workingmen dare to ask for the living wage . . . they will be shot down like dogs in the streets.
Some unions, like the United Mine Workers, called for U.S. intervention after the sinking of the
Maine.
But most were against war. The treasurer of the American Longshoremen's Union, Bolton Hall, wrote “A Peace Appeal to Labor,” which was widely circulated:
If there is a war, you will furnish the corpses and the taxes, and others will get the glory. Speculators will make money out of itâthat is, out of you. Men will get high prices for inferior supplies, leaky boats, for shoddy clothes and pasteboard shoes, and you will have to pay the bill, and the only satisfaction you will get is the privilege of hating your Spanish fellow-workmen, who are really your brothers and who have had as little to do with the wrongs of Cuba as you have.
Socialists opposed the war. One exception was the Jewish
Daily Forward. The People,
newspaper of the Socialist Labor party, called the issue of Cuban freedom “a pretext” and said the government wanted war to “distract the attention of the workers from their real interests.” The
Appeal to Reason,
another Socialist newspaper, said the movement for war was “a favorite method of rulers for keeping the people from redressing domestic wrongs.” In the San Francisco
Voice of Labor
a Socialist wrote: “It is a terrible thing to think that the poor workers of this country should be sent to kill and wound the poor workers of Spain merely because a few leaders may incite them to do so.”
But after war was declared, Foner says, “the majority of the trade unions succumbed to the war fever.” Samuel Gompers called the war “glorious and righteous” and claimed that 250,000 trade unionists had volunteered for military service. The United Mine Workers pointed to higher coal prices as a result of the war and said: “The coal and iron trades have not been so healthy for some years past as at present.”
The war brought more employment and higher wages, but also higher prices. Foner says: “Not only was there a startling increase in the cost of living, but, in the absence of an income tax, the poor found themselves paying almost entirely for the staggering costs of the war through increased levies on sugar, molasses, tobacco, and other taxes. . . .” Gompers, publicly for the war, privately pointed out that the war had led to a 20 percent reduction of the purchasing power of workers' wages.
On May Day, 1898, the Socialist Labor party organized an antiwar parade in New York City, but the authorities would not allow it to take place, while a May Day parade called by the Jewish
Daily Forward,
urging Jewish workers to support the war, was permitted. The Chicago
Labor World
said: “This has been a poor man's warâpaid for by the poor man. The rich have profited by it, as they always do. . . .”
The Western Labor Union was founded at Salt Lake City on May 10, 1898, because the AFL had not organized unskilled workers. It wanted to bring together all workers “irrespective of occupation, nationality, creed or color” and “sound the death knell of every corporation and trust that has robbed the American laborer of the fruits of his toil. . . .” The union's publication, noting the annexation of Hawaii during the war, said this proved that “the war which started as one of relief for the starving Cubans has suddenly changed to one of conquest.”
