1415: Henry V's Year of Glory (99 page)

10.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 53; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 105.

11.
Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, p. 541.

12.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 29.

13.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 292.

14.
Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, pp. 539–41; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 105.

15.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, 291–2.

16.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 42; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 92.

17.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, pp. 259, 283.

18.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 135.

19.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 96–105.

20.
Gesta
, p. 45.

21.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 91.

22.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 95.

23.
Gesta
, p. 47

24.
Gesta
, p. 49.

25.
Chronica Maiora
, pp. 406–7.

26.
Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, p. 25.

27.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 107.

28.
Walsingham actually says the Sunday after Michaelmas; the
Gesta
does not mention any of this bargaining about the date but states the Sunday before Michaelmas. See
Gesta
, p. 51;
Chronica Maiora
, p. 407.

29.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 100.

30.
Gesta
, p. 51;
Chronica Maiora
, pp. 407–8.

31.
Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, pp. 535–7.

32.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 107.

33.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 336.

34.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 336; Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 239.

35.
The dating of this event comes from a single fifteenth-century manuscript, and so is open to question. See
ODNB
, under Glendower.

36.
Gesta
, p. 53.
Chronica Maiora
, p. 408 states at this juncture there were sixty-four hostages.

37.
Gesta
, p. 52.

38.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 56.

39.
Froissart, quoted in Gilbert, A Medieval Rosie the Riveter’, p. 350.

40.
Riley (ed.),
Memorials
, pp. 619–20;
S&I
, pp. 441–2.

41.
Curry,
Agincourt
,
pp. 97–8.

42.
Chronique de Ruisseauville
, quoted in Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 162;
S&I
, p. 124.

43.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 337;
Gesta
, p. 55.

44.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 63–5, 331.

45.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 58.

46.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 109–10; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 102–3.

47.
CP
, v, p. 458.

48.
Perfect King
, p. 172.

49.
It is stated that Bruges was accompanied by Raoul de Gaucourt in
Gesta
, p. 57. It is worth noting that de Gaucourt does not mention this in his statement but rather stresses how ill he was at the time. See Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, p. 25; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 117. See under 29 September for a strategic reason why de Gaucourt might have been sent to the dauphin.

50.
Foedera
, ix, p. 313 (Latin); Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, pp. 29–30 (English).

51.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 46.

52.
His four men-at-arms are named in Nicolas,
Agincourt
, p. 357.

53.
Gesta
, pp. 55–7; Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, p. 25.

54.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 101.

55.
Fox,
Acts and Monuments
, pp. 838–9.

56.
See the
ODNB
entry for Richard Beauchamp, earl of Warwick.

57.
PROME
, 1415 Nov., introduction;
CCR
, pp. 287–8.

58.
See the
ODNB
entry for Warwick. He was at Harfleur but not at Agincourt, ‘having been sent to Calais with prisoners’.

59.
On this parallel with Edward III, see C. J. Rogers, ‘Henry V’s Military Strategy in 1415’, pp. 399–422.

60.
Barker,
Agincourt
, pp. 220–1; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 118. Curry is sceptical about the veracity of this report, which was put forward by Titus Livius Frulovisi, who was employed by Humphrey. The implication of this account would be that Humphrey had supported Henry V when even Thomas’s courage had failed him. Thomas and Henry V were both dead by the time this account was written, so they could not dispute it.

61.
S&I
, p. 65.

62.
Gesta
, p. 61.

63.
S&I
, p. 65.

October

1.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 47.

2.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 101; Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 112–13.

3.
Vaughan,
John the Fearless
, p. 212.

4.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 60.

5.
Henry had originally set sail with at least 11,248 fighting men: 2,266 men-at-arms and 8,982 archers. About forty or fifty fighting men had died at Harfleur, and he had sent home between 1,330 and 1,900 more. If the losses were in the standard 3:1 proportion of archers to men-at-arms, then he had at least 1,781 men-at-arms and 7,527 archers remaining. It is unlikely that he had more than 1,926 men-at-arms and 7,952 archers.

6.
For Botreaux, see Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 121. According to
S&I
, p. 430, in 1416 the deputies were four barons: Hastings, Grey, Clinton and Bourchier. Technically there was no Lord Hastings in 1415, and no Lord Bourchier either; so these ‘barons’ must have been Sir Edward Hastings and Sir William Bourchier. These four men were not necessarily those deputed to defend Harfleur in 1415, but the companies
of Sir Edward Hastings and Lord Clinton were amalgamated in the garrison (according to Curry, ‘Agincourt’, in
ODNB
). Wylie states that the captains were Sir John Fastolf, John Blount and Thomas Carew; Fastolf was certainly there as he led the sortie in November (Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 332).

7.
This total of 10,000 is backed up by a newsletter issued after the battle (see
S&I
, p. 264). It is in excess of the 5,000 archers and 900 men-at-arms given in the
Gesta
(and other chronicles based on it) as the
Gesta
allows for 5,000 men being sent home. This was almost certainly an exaggeration, to enhance the ‘miracle’ aspect of Agincourt. Adam Usk and the London Chronicles state there were 10,000 men on the march; Thomas Walsingham,
Brut
and John Strecche all say 8,000. The latter could relate to just fighting men, not including the pages; this section of the army creates a substantial ambiguity. One English source – Benet’s chronicle – gives the figure of 11,000 men. French sources claim many more; but the smallest figures given by the French roughly correspond with the largest figures given by the English writers, which in turn tally with the record sources at about ten thousand men. See the comparison table in Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 326–8.

8.
For a licence to return to England from Harfleur dated today, see Curry,
S&I
, p. 447.

9.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 74;
S&I
, p. 124.

10.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 120.

11.
Foedera
, ix, p. 314.

12.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 126.

13.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 224.

14.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 314–15. A translation appears in
S&I
, pp. 446–7.

15.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 229.

16.
The new agreement with John the Fearless, negotiated by Morgan, was delivered to Westminster on the 10th; a messenger from Morgan carrying this had probably passed through Calais on the 6th, 7th or 8th.

17.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 107.

18.
S&I
, p. 67.

19.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 157; Hardy (ed.),
Waurin
, p. 190; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 75–6, 88.

20.
Gesta
, pp. 60–1; Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 337; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 88;
S&I
, p. 6; Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 126, 324.

21.
Gesta
, p. 61; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 114.

22.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 90; Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 126, 154, 156.

23.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 126.

24.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 92.

25.
Rawcliffe,
Medicine and Society
, p. 182.

26.
Testamenta Vetusta
, i, p. 186.

27.
Vaughan,
John the Fearless
, p. 207.

28.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 238.

29.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 160.

30.
Gesta
, p. 63; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 92–3; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 127.

31.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 128.

32.
Curry, in
Agincourt
, p. 127, points out that it is 35km from Arques to Eu, and the English army was travelling at an average of about 22km per day if they ended their fourth day’s march at Arques. But the English clearly did not stay at Arques; they marched through. Thus it would appear that by the end of the fourth day they had covered more than the 88km from Harfleur – perhaps nearer 98km. This would leave them with a much more manageable 25km to Eu. This would in turn be in line with an average 24.5km per day since leaving Harfleur.

33.
S&I
, p. 57.

34.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 128; Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 234.

35.
Petit,
Itinéraires
,
p. 421.

36.
Vaughan,
John the Fearless
, p. 208.

37.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 106.

38.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 63, n. 7.

39.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 134–5.

40.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 141–2.

41.
Gesta
, p. 63.

42.
S&I
, p. 147.

43.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 131–2, 135.

44.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 229.

45.
Gesta
, p. 65.

46.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 337; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 111.

47.
Riley (ed.),
Memorials
, pp. 620–1.

48.
CP
, i, p. 246; Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 68;
ODNB
(under ‘Thomas Fitzalan’).

49.
S&I
, p. 88. In the hope of pre-empting enquiries about the identity of the John Mortimer here mentioned, he was not the Sir John Mortimer executed in 1424 as supposed by Edward Powell in ‘The Strange Death of Sir John Mortimer: Politics and the Law of Treason in Lancastrian England’, in Archer and Walker (eds),
Rulers and Ruled
, p. 86. The John Mortimer knighted on the Agincourt campaign died at Agincourt (Kirby (ed.),
IPM
, xx, p. 109). This identifies him as John Mortimer (1392–1415) of Martley, the great-great-grandson of Roger, Lord Mortimer of Chirk (1256–1326), and thus the fourth cousin twice removed of Edmund Mortimer (1391–1425), earl of March.