1415: Henry V's Year of Glory (62 page)

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At Westminster the duke of Bedford was doing his best to make good the shortfall in the numbers of troops in his brother’s army. He wrote to the sheriffs of London ordering them to proclaim to all the knights, men-at-arms and archers who wished to go to Normandy that they should present themselves to Chancellor Beaufort to claim their wages in advance.
¹⁰
How many did so is not known. But none of those who did set out could have joined Henry’s army. Even if they had sailed immediately, they would not have arrived at Harfleur in time. The ten
thousand men preparing to set out with Henry on the march could expect no further help.

Sunday 6th

The duke of Bedford’s efforts to help his brother did not just stop at trying to provide more men. Today he commissioned one John Fisher of Henley to provide corn for the sustenance of the king’s army in Normandy, and charged him with transporting it to Harfleur for the next six months.
¹¹
It might have helped sustain the garrison but not the army itself.

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At Boulogne a messenger arrived from Abbeville, with news that Henry had placed a garrison at Harfleur and was now marching to Calais.
¹²
Although it is certainly possible that the first troops began to leave Harfleur today – some exchequer accounts specifically state that they did – there is no way this information could have reached Boulogne the same day.
¹³
It seems that it was circulated by the French, following William Bruges and Raoul de Gaucourt’s delivery of the challenge to the dauphin. Henry’s decision to announce his destination was likely to lead to more dangers than simply having a French army following on his tail.

Monday 7th

Henry had despatched the experienced earl of Warwick to Calais by ship, to defend the town and to receive the prisoners whom he expected to arrive at Martinmas. Warwick had not yet arrived, however. In the meantime the town was under the command of Sir William Bardolph, who had been appointed as successor to Sir William Lisle. Thus it was Bardolph who wrote today in response to a request for news from the duke of Bedford.

To the most high and mighty prince and my most honourable and gracious lord … thanking you most humbly and often, as far as I am able, on my own behalf as well as that of all my companions in these Marches, that your noble lordship is pleased to have so dearly and so tenderly taken to heart the wellbeing, ease and prosperity of all of us and of the said Marches, as written not long ago in your honourable and most gracious letters.

Having sent to these parts the sheriff of Kent, the lieutenant of Dover Castle and the victualler of that town, your commissioners … to find out how things were and in what state, I have signified and reported to them the truth of this matter orally and to your lordship … in writing and otherwise.

Hearing from these esquires, it is well understood that it is your will that we make the hardest war that we can against the French, enemies of our most feared noble lord, in order to prevent those on the frontier crossing or advancing near to where he is now in person …

As for news of this area, may it please your lordship to know that several good friends who have come to this town and the Marches both from the areas of France and of Flanders, have told and reported to me clearly, without doubt, that our lord the king will do battle with his adversaries within fifteen days next coming at the very latest. And that also, along with the others, the duke of Lorraine will assemble very soon, according to what they say, with fifty thousand men; and that once they are all assembled they will be no less than one hundred thousand, or indeed, even more. Also they say for certain that a noble knight accompanied by five hundred lances has been ordered to wait on the frontier under the governance of the seigneur de la Biefville in defence of the Marches on the part of the enemy …
¹⁴

Obviously the lieutenant of Calais had no idea how long it would actually be before Henry could do battle with the French. Calais is 144 miles from Harfleur, and the very fastest messengers would have taken at least three days to cover the distance. So if Bardolph’s knowledge about the battle plan had come from Henry it must have been sent before the 4th. This is not impossible for, although this letter states that the news about the planned battle came ‘from the areas of France and of Flanders’, Henry may have sent a message to Calais for three hundred men-at-arms to ride south to secure the ford over the Somme at Blanchetaque.
¹⁵
Alternatively, Bardolph’s information could have been obtained from spies coming from Boulogne the previous day, or from Abbeville. It was probably from Flanders that he had heard about the duke of Lorraine’s mobilisation. News about this had most likely been
fed back to Calais by Henry’s ambassador to John the Fearless, Philip Morgan, for the duke of Lorraine was a close ally of John the Fearless. Information from Morgan had certainly been carried back in recent days through Calais to England.
¹⁶
His news that the duke of Lorraine was preparing to join the French king cannot have cheered the English.

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At Vernon, the aged King Charles finally met up with his son, the dauphin. They had with them the Oriflamme. Troops were gathering downstream at Rouen. They would stay at Vernon for two more days and then set out, arriving in Rouen in five days’ time.
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Tuesday 8th: the Feast of St Denis,
Patron Saint of France

Upon landing, the English army had been divided into three battles. One had been led by the duke of Clarence, one by the duke of York, and one by Henry himself. These battles now served as the arrangement in which the army would march to Calais. One battle, the vanguard, would take the lead. The main battle would be in the centre; and the third battle would take up the rearguard.

The commanders of two of these battles are known. Henry himself led one, the main battle; and another was led by the duke of York. Henry had probably meant Clarence to lead the third, but his departure from Harfleur prevented it. It is not clear who took his place. Precedence would have pointed to the only remaining duke without a command: Humphrey, duke of Gloucester; but he was only twenty-one and inexperienced in war, so precedence was set aside. Humphrey was placed in the main battle, with the king. There were still four earls with the army – Huntingdon, Oxford, Salisbury and Suffolk – but the new earl of Suffolk was even younger and less experienced than Gloucester, and the earl of Huntingdon was with the king. Salisbury’s role is unknown.

The inconsistent and partial chroniclers’ accounts place the duke of York in charge of both the vanguard and the rearguard. One possible explanation is that York was in charge of the notional ‘rearguard’ while the army was at Harfleur; and that after Clarence’s departure he assumed
control of the vanguard on the march itself. He was certainly in charge of the vanguard during the latter part of the march, supported by Sir John Cornwaille and Sir Gilbert Umphraville – two leaders from the ‘crack squadron’ that had led the initial reconnaissance after landing and led the assault on the
Porte Leure
on 16 September. York was also appointed constable and marshal of the army, because the previous constable, Thomas Beaufort, was going to stay at Harfleur.
¹⁸
Command of the rearguard on the march was probably entrusted either to Sir Thomas, Lord Camoys (who commanded it at the battle), or to the earl of Oxford (who was later made a Knight of the Garter for his deeds on the campaign).
¹⁹

The vanguard may have set off the previous day, or even as early as the 6th. Be this as it may, the main battle marched this morning, according to the author of the
Gesta
, who was with the king.
²⁰
Before setting out, Henry declared that the army could expect to march for eight days and they should take sufficient supplies (mainly dried beef and walnuts).
²¹
As it was 144 miles to Calais, and most able-bodied men could easily ride or walk twenty miles a day, this was quite reasonable. In fact, it left the best part of a whole day in reserve. What he seems not to have told them was that the spare day was set aside to fight a pitched battle.

By dusk the English had suffered their first casualties. Although Henry ordered his men to skirt around the fortified towns and castles they came to, and kept his lines half a mile away from Montivilliers, there was a skirmish as they passed the town. Six men were taken prisoner by the town garrison and one was killed.
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It was a taste of the difficulties to come.

Wednesday 9th

In line with Henry’s orders, the English army camped in the open. Not only did this enable him to keep control, it also allowed the captains to patrol the moral behaviour of the men, keeping them away from the temptations of theft and women. The military ordinances (first proclaimed on or about 17 August) were read for a second time before the army set out. The
Gesta
specifically mentions the repetition of instructions not to burn or lay waste, or to take anything except food and necessities for the march, or to capture any Frenchmen (other than those offering armed resistance). In addition it is evident that Henry sought to minimise the
effect on the local population by enforcing the ordinance stipulating that no one should ride ahead of the army except messengers and herbergers (men seeking food and places to stay). There was a practical reason for this. Henry proposed to use his power to destroy French property as a bargaining position when he came to the towns and castles that lay between him and Calais. If his men were disciplined, he could offer not to burn the towns and villages in return for safe passage.

The bulk of the army travelled via Fauville. But those companies on the flanks of the army were travelling at a distance of several miles – presumably foraging for supplies. One of these attacked the partially deserted town of Fécamp, which had been the subject of a naval attack in July.
²³
The seigneur de Rambures had gathered many men in the abbey, having burnt the suburbs in anticipation of a fight. According to French sources, it was de Rambures’s men who took advantage of the townswomen there, who had crowded to the abbey for protection. One English man-at-arms, William Bramshulf, and two valets, Edward Legh and John Rede, were captured before the troops were steered away towards Dieppe.
²⁴

Thursday 10th

At Arundel Castle, Henry’s great friend Thomas Fitzalan, earl of Arundel, the treasurer of England, felt that he was drawing near the end of his life. He had been carried aboard ship at Harfleur on 28 September and had arrived back in Sussex a few days afterwards. Since landing he had been tenderly nursed by Elizabeth Ryman, the wife of one of his retainers.
²⁵
But although she was a good nurse, and although the earl had not been one of those who had felt the need to make a will before setting out, the time had now come for him to put his affairs in order.

Thomas asked to be buried in the choir of the collegiate church of the Holy Trinity in Arundel Castle, where he wanted a new tomb chest and effigy made for him. He also willed that a suitable monument be erected over the grave of his late father, Richard Fitzalan, earl of Arundel, who had been judicially murdered by Richard II. He allowed 200 marks for his funeral expenses, and made the following specific bequest:

in regard to a vow made by me to St John of Bridlington, when I was there with my lord the king (when he was prince of Wales), namely that I would once every year in person offer to that saint, or send the sum of 5 marks during my life, I will that my executors forthwith pay all the arrears thereof, beside the cost of the messenger sent for that purpose.
²⁶

His other last requests included that a chapel be built in the Mary Gate at Arundel, dedicated to the Virgin; and that ‘all those soldiers who were with me at Harfleur in France be paid all the arrears of their wages’.

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At Oudenaarde, the nineteen-year-old Philip, count of Charolais, the son and heir of John the Fearless, wrote to officials at Lille:

Dearest and well-beloved, my father has recently informed me of his departure with all his power to advance against the English in the service of the king … and he wishes to have with him everyone in his lands who is accustomed to bear arms, including us ourselves, in person, and the knights and esquires of Flanders and Artois.
²⁷

At the same time the French royal council were reading letters from John the Fearless stating that, regardless of the dauphin’s request that he stay away from the royal army, he was planning to serve in person. The council decided by a majority vote to approve of his action. This cannot have been easy, for there was no saying what he would do when he had an army behind him. Letters of peace between John the Fearless and Henry V, negotiated by Philip Morgan and sealed with the duke’s own seal, arrived at Westminster this very day.
²⁸
The duke was playing off one side against the other – promising the French he would ride to help them against the English, and promising the English he would not impede their progress.

Friday 11th

The English army converged on Arques, a small town and a castle four miles from Dieppe. Before the town was a river, the Béthune, crossed by narrow bridges. Henry ordered his men to draw up in their
three battles, as if preparing to attack. The townsmen opened fire with their cannon, holding the English at bay.