Read Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader Online

Authors: Geremie Barme

Tags: #History, #Asia, #China, #Literary Criticism, #Asian, #Chinese, #Political Science, #Political Ideologies, #Communism; Post-Communism & Socialism, #World, #General, #test

Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader (44 page)

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Page 135
Mao, a Best-Seller
Gao Jiangbo
Following the short-lived resurgence of interest in Cultural Revolution culture and history during the mid 1980s, a new phase of (relative) publishing freedom in the late 1980s led to a boom in the Mao industry. Many popular works related to Mao's life and the more controversial aspects of Communist Party history were produced.
The tabloid press had proved to be extremely popular as soon as it was allowed to develop in 1984-85. Now, cashing in on general interest in scandal and mudracking, and spurred on by the imperatives of economic rationalism, publishing houses throughout the country vied with each other to exploit the nascent Mao Cult. The ideologically correct, like the author of this article which was published in a straitlaced publishing trade paper in April 1989, were disturbed by the lawlessness of the industry. In the stilted prose of an official out of touch with everyday reality, Gao calls for clear guidelines and policies in the hope that the publishing anarchy could be quelled. Although some contentious works were banned after 4 June 1989, consumer demand and weakened Party control meant that politically incorrect works continued to appear in the 1990s.
Since the second half of last year [1988], there has been a marked increase in the publication of biographies and works of reportage related to Party and state leaders. This has created something of a publishing phenomenon and there is every indication that it will continue to develop. The volume of book sales indicates that there is a considerable market for such publications. Similarly, the media and public have noted this development and people are studying it. Some of these studies are particularly outspoken about certain aspects of the phenomenon. The main events in the lives of Party and state leaders are invariably linked to major incidents in Party history. For this reason, the material dealt with in such biographies is of a highly sensitive nature and therefore requires serious analysis.

 

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Periodicals (including periodicals produced as books)
1
have featured in the present publishing frenzy, and publishers are in competition to produce works of reportage on the lives of the nation's leaders. The lion's share of these depict the life and activities of Comrade Mao Zedong. I believe that the MaoCraze that has developed in our periodicals has come about for a number of reasons.
In the past, specific historical factors meant that very few biographical works related to Party and state leaders could appear.
2
With the gradual deepening of Reform and the approaching fortieth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China [in 1989], people are given to reflecting on our journey through history in the hope that some lessons can be drawn from the past. Many people, specialists and general readers alike, are therefore anxious to gain a deeper and more concrete understanding of our leaders, both past and present. Because of Comrade Mao Zedong's unique role in the Chinese revolution it is understandable that he is the focus of such attention. At the same time, interest in Mao Zedong reflects a deep reverence for the achievements of Older Revolutionaries in general, their outstanding political morals and frugal lifestyle. This public interest has been further piqued by the fact that because political life in China was not sufficiently open to public scrutiny, our leaders have, in both their political and private lives, worked under a cloak of mystery. The publications that have appeared recently, therefore, make it possible for readers to appreciate the amazing foresight and superhuman efforts that our Great Leader made in his public life, as well as allowing them to gain an insider's understanding of the everyday pleasures and sorrows he experienced, including details of his relationship with his children. This, if anything, has brought our Leader closer to us. Some works have also revealed thrilling and titillating episodes in the Chairman's career, thereby satisfying a kind of popular voyeurism. . . .
The above analysis shows that the MaoCraze in publishing has developed for a number of complex reasons and in response to a specific public need. The majority of works published in journals objectively introduce the revolutionary achievements of Comrade Mao Zedong, and evaluate various historical personages in a balanced and truthful fashion, thereby helping readers gain an accurate understanding of our Revolutionary Leaders and major historical incidents. However, we must point out the shortcomings of these publications, some of which are quite grave. From my own reading, I would classify the problem areas in the following way:
1. Distortions of history that occur because of the evaluation of major incidents in Party history or the misrepresentation of historical figures on the basis of biased or erroneous views. . . .

 

Page 137
2. The smearing and depreciation of Comrade Mao Zedong's image.
Some works make a point of dwelling on the details of Mao Zedong's early married life. They put words into the mouths of some Red Army soldiers to make the point that Zhou Enlai was a true gentleman whereas Mao was "a lascivious lord of the manor." The point here is not the accuracy of such information but that we do not see what possible relevance excessive attention to these matters can have for the reader. Admittedly, writers should not avoid the truth just because the subject is a deeply revered individual; however, to describe the private life of a Great Leader respected by the entire nation in such a fashion is not a mark of courage, but an act of egregious vilification.
There are also works that negate entirely the political struggles that occurred after 1949, including the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries, as well as the Three-Anti and the Five-Anti Campaigns.
3
They even claim that during these movements Mao himself made "tens of millions of enemies" and, to prevent any of these people from plotting against him as well as to protect his Chairman's throne, he began to study the history of court intrigue, becoming increasingly paranoid and secretive in his movements. In the hands of such writers, our Revolutionary Leader ends up looking like a feudal emperor imprisoned in solitary splendor.
3. The sensational revelation of the so-called behind-the-scenes story of major internal Party struggles through which writers speculate on and distort the motives and psychology of key political figures.
In limning Mao's life many works also dwell on internal Party struggles and in so doing touch on many Central Leaders who have either passed away or who are still in positions of authority. Since their sources are unreliable these accounts are often contradictory and analytically inconsistent. This makes it extremely difficult for readers to distinguish fact from fiction and leads to considerable confusion.
Works, for example, that describe the Lushan Meeting
4
quote verbatim the debate between Mao and Peng Dehuai, including all the swearing. Various versions of this exchange exist. There are also a number of mutually contradictory evaluations of this historical episode and of the people involved. How are readers expected to judge any of this for themselves?
Then there are the works that speculate on the motives of historical figures and indulge in barefaced distortions. There are those who claim that the real reason Mao did not retain his position as State President [in 1959] was that he wanted to let Liu Shaoqi clean up the mess he had created with the Great Leap Forward in 1958. Then there are works that claim that when, in 1965, Mao repeatedly let it be known that he would "soon be meeting his Maker," he was only saying this to gauge Liu Shaoqi's attitude

 

Page 138
and give himself time to initiate the Cultural Revolution. Such subjective speculations are baseless and serve only to confuse the reader.
4. The contents of such works are often vulgar and absurd. They also at times propagate feudal superstition.
China's feudal emperors often spoke of themselves as "True Dragons and Sons of Heaven," and these new writings regularly describe our Revolutionary Leaders in such terms. One work says that China has had three Sons of Heaven since 1949: Mao Zedong, Hua Guofeng, and Hu Yaobang. Other works are even more absurd and ridden with superstition. One, for example, has an old man claim that Mao was a true Son of Heaven since he lived eighty-three years and ruled as emperor for forty-one of those. And this is no isolated instance, for in another work it is claimed that, in 1949, Mao Zedong asked a Daoist priest to tell his fortune. The priest supposedly gave him a prediction, a piece of paper with the four numbers "8341" written on it. People note that Mao lived eighty-three years and was Chairman of the Party for forty-one years.
5
Then there are works that analyze the
dramatis personæ
[of Chinese politics] on the basis of physiognomy. They say that Mao "had a majestic and large mouth and ears with thick lobes just like Milo Buddha," therefore he was "preternaturally clever and enlightened" for which he "won the support of others and achieved respect and honor." It is shocking to read works that depict a Revolutionary Leader in such a patently absurd and superstitious fashion.
The responsibility for such writings lies not only with their authors but also with the publishers themselves. Some writers follow neither the spirit nor the letter of Party Central's official evaluation of Comrade Mao and Party history. Instead they rely on fantasy and imagination. Other authors simply do not take their work seriously and make little effort to collect historical documentation or undertake the meticulous research required. Their efforts are cursory in the extreme and rely on whatever they have on hand to manufacture works of fiction. Other writers garner all manner of material, including politically biased information, from the Hong Kong and Taiwan press. There is even a small number of writers who simply throw together whatever rumors they happen to have heard. . . .
As for publishers, there are two other problems deserving our attention: the Party leadership of some periodical publishers have a very underdeveloped concept of Party discipline. They blatantly ignore the relevant regulations and act exactly as they see fit, producing works that distort Party history and sully the image of Mao Zedong without having made any attempt to subject them to a rigorous editorial process. Furthermore, some publishers place fiscal gain over quality, fossick around for manuscripts and

 

Page 139
publish books without a thought as to their actual worth. It is no surprise, then, that the errors outlined in the above are so common.
The MaoCraze in periodical publications is evidence of the popularity of such works among readers. Be that as it may, in terms of the publishing industry, things are far from satisfactory. At present, an ever-increasing volume of such material is being produced and the situation is becoming quite grave. The result is widespread concern among readers everywhere. It is necessary for the relevant authorities to formulate coherent policies with clear guidelines for the publication of biographies and works of reportage related to the lives of Party and state leaders so that publishers can be adequately supervised in the future.
Notes
1. Due to the restrictions on the number of new journals and periodicals that could appear, for both economic and political reasons, publishers often produced journals in the guise of books, using state-allocated "book numbers" (
shuhao
) to do so.
2. "Specific historical factors" is a delightful circumlocution that disguises the fact that the reasons were entirely political.
3.
Zhenya fangeming yundong
and the
Sanfan, wufan yundong.
The Suppression was launched in mid 1950 and aimed at the "elimination of all bandits, special agents, local tyrants and other counter-revolutionaries that harm the People." It continued into 1951. The Three-Anti Movement was launched in early 1952 and was aimed at "opposing corruption, waste and bureaucracy inside the Party and State organs." The Five-Anti Movement was initiated in 1952 "to oppose bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts and stealing economic information for the purposes of speculation."
4. The Party's Lushan Meeting of 1959 was one during which Peng Dehuai criticized Mao and the Great Leap Forward. This led to Peng's fall from power.
5. Many works have also pointed out that the Central Committee Security Force was called "Unit 8341" and it is widely believed that Mao so named his "praetorian guard" after having his fortune told.
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