Pericles of Athens (50 page)

34.
See later,
chapter 8
.

35.
Kallet-Marx 1989, 252–266; Giovannini 1990 and Giovannini 1997; but see Samons 1993.
It is true that the use of the
aparkhē
for the great works is attested by the Propylaea accounts.

36.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 12.5–7.

37.
See Descat 1995, 978.

38.
Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977, 276–282, no. 73. See Feyel 2006, 322–325.

39.
Wages were sometimes paid, not by the day, but for particular piecework. That was
the case for the cutters of flutes for the columns or for the sculptors of the figurines
for the outside frieze of the building, made from Eleusis marble. These tasks, which
were far better paid, could be accomplished by citizens or by metics, but not by slaves,
who were never employed for work that required such skills.

40.
Glotz 1931, 178–184. See later,
chapter 12
.

41.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 11.4. See later,
chapter 8
.

42.
Ulpian,
Ad Demosthenem, Olynthian I
. See Wilson 2000, 167 and 265–266. In the fourth century, the
theorikōn
coffer received all the surpluses from the revenues (
prosodoi
). The allocation from the theoric fund appears to have been two obols (Demosthenes,
On the Crown
(18), 28)—one to pay for a seat, the other to cover the spectator’s needs during
the day.

43.
See Stadter 1989, 116–117.

44.
Gorgias
, 515e.

45.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 9.3.

46.
The courts judged public and private affairs on three hundred days of the year (Aristophanes,
Wasps
, 661–663). Remuneration was always paid not annually but daily, so this varied according
to the judges who sat.

47.
Ps.-Aristotle,
Constitution of the Athenians
, 27.3; and Plutarch,
Pericles
, 9.2.

48.
See Verilhac and Vial 1998; and Patterson 1981.

49.
Pericles
, 37.3–4. The date of the reform is deduced from a passage in Ps.-Aristotle,
Constitution of the Athenians
, 26.3: “three years after Lysicrates in the year of [the archonship of] Antidotus,
owing to the large number of the
citizens, an enactment was passed on the proposal of Pericles confining citizenship
to persons of citizen birth on both sides [
astoin
].”

50.
See later,
chapter 8
. But this agreement is paradoxical when one considers that autochthony was primarily
a way of conceiving of birth in the community without the need of any woman’s womb:
after 451, a woman became necessary to transmit a citizenship that she herself did
not actively possess.

51.
Furthermore, by means of this endogamous measure, the city discouraged matrimonial
alliances that members of the elite contracted outside the Athenian world. It is worth
noting that no marriage of this type is recorded between 508 and 451, as if Athenian
matrimonial practices had anticipated this reform. See Wilgaux 2010.

52.
See French 1994; and Patterson 1981.

53.
See Thucydides, 2.13.6–7: in the first year of the Peloponnesian War, the expedition
against Megara included, as well as 10,000 Athenian hoplites, 3,000 metics, to whom
should be added 3,000 metics sent at the same time to Potidaea (II, 31, 2). See Rhodes
1988, 271–277.

54.
See Isaac 2004, 116–124.

55.
See Noiriel 2001.

C
HAPTER
6. P
ERICLES AND
H
IS
C
IRCLE
: F
AMILY AND
F
RIENDS

 
1.
See
Alcibiades
, 1.1. See the convincing reconstruction by Brulé 2003, 115–116; and Schmitt Pantel
2007, 202–204.

 
2.
Leduc 2003, 279.

 
3.
See, for example, Plato,
Alcibiades
I, 121a; Plutarch,
Alcibiades
, 1.1; and the remarks of Parker 1996, 323 (and n. 94).

 
4.
See Cox 1989: Matrimonial alliances did not automatically lead to political support.
On the contrary, it was within the family, often, that attacks on one another were
the most ferocious, even leading to the dissemination of dreadful rumors about one’s
relatives.

 
5.
See earlier,
chapter 5
.

 
6.
However, this name could be analyzed in a different manner. By choosing to name his
younger son in this way, Pericles may also have been referring to the faction of coastal
citizens (the “Paralians”) led by his great-grandfather, Megacles, one century earlier.
The name “Paralus” therefore made it possible to play upon two registers: allegiance
to the people and family fame. See Burn 1948, 60.

 
7.
Hippocleides, one of the suitors of Agariste, the daughter of the tyrant of Sicyon,
set to dancing on the table in the course of one banquet in which too much wine was
flowing, thereby covering himself in ridicule in the eyes of the future bride’s father
(Herodotus, 6.129–130). In the end, it was the Alcmaeonid Megacles, Pericles’ ancestor,
who won the hand of Agariste.

 
8.
In Iasos, “it was forbidden to entertain more than ten men and ten women as wedding-guests”
and the festivities were not allowed to last for more than two days: see Heraclides
of Lembos,
Excerpta Politiarum
, fr. 66 Gigon (= Dilts 1971, 38–39). See also Plutarch,
Solon
, 20.4 (on the value of dowries). The fourth-century philosophers continued to reflect
upon the need to regulate marriage celebrations: Plato,
Laws
, 6.775a–b; Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics
, 9.2.1169b.

9.
The number of women in a funeral procession was limited so as not to encourage excessive
manifestations of grief: see Ps.-Demosthenes,
Against Macartatus
(43), 62; Cicero,
De Legibus
, 2.65.

10.
This custom is reflected in, for example, Aeschylus’s
Choephoroi
(l. 8–9), when Orestes bitterly regrets not having been able to join the funeral
procession of his father, Agamemnon.

11.
See later,
chapter 8
.

12.
See Loraux 1986, 180–202; and Loraux 1993b, 37–71 and 111–143.

13.
Ober 1989, 259–266; and earlier,
chapter 5
.

14.
Murray 1990. The association of oligarchic revolutions and the
sumposion
is well attested by the fourth-century Attic orators: see Ps.-Demosthenes,
Against Stephanus
2 (46), 26; Hyperides,
For Euxenippus
(4), 7–8.

15.
Connor, 1992.

16.
See Aelian,
Miscellany
, 2.12.

17.
That is true in particular in the case of Cleon, as W. R. Connor remarks in passing
(Connor 1992, 104, n. 26). Yet, like Pericles, Cleon had made a show of cutting himself
off from his former circle of friends when he entered political life. He hoped, by
this means, to show that his sole concern was the well-being of the
dēmos
(Connor 1992, 129–131) and that he was following the example set by Pericles.

18.
Xenophon,
Hellenica
, 1.4.18–20.

19.
For an analytical study of the sources and historiography of this question, see Podlecki
1998.

20.
See Stadter 1991. On Protagoras and Pericles, see later,
chapter 8
.

21.
Lysias,
Against Eratosthenes
(12), 4. The same applies to Herodotus, “the father of history”: see earlier, introduction.

22.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 32.1. The date of the trial suggested by Ephorus is probably without foundation.
Philochorus, in his
Atthis
(
FGrHist
328 F 121), claims that the sentence was passed seven or eight years (
hepta etesin
) before the outbreak of the war. See Banfi 1999.

23.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 13.9. See later,
chapter 7
.

24.
Aristophanes,
Peace
, 604–609 (referring to “the setbacks of Phidias”). Phidias was probably accused of
appropriating public funds at the time of the construction of the statue of Athena
Parthenos. See Diodorus Siculus, 12.39.1–2, who repeats Ephorus’s version.

25.
Ps.-Aristotle,
Constitution of the Athenians
, 27.4. The Greek text gives the name of his father, Damonides, but that is probably
an error. See the discussion in Rhodes 1993, 341–342 (ad loc.). See earlier,
chapter 5
.

26.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 4.1. See earlier,
chapter 1
.

27.
See Siewert 2002, 50:
Damon Damonidou (Oathen)
. On the ostracism of Damon, however, see the doubts expressed by Raaflaub 2003.

28.
Cratinus, fr. 118 K.-A.; and Bakola 2010, 222–223. On the meaning of this assimilation
to Zeus, see later,
chapter 8
.

29.
Thucydides, 2.13.1 (repeated by Plutarch,
Pericles
, 33.2). On the
xenia
linking the two men and its consequences in the early days of the war, see Herman
1987, 142–145.

30.
It is not the case that links of
xenia
were totally proscribed in Athens, but aristocratic networks were becoming increasingly
controlled both within the
polis
and beyond it: they were no longer recognized in the city unless they served the
interests of Athens. See Mitchell 1998, 106, which opposes in particular the overstated
view of Herman 1987, 156–161.

C
HAPTER
7. P
ERICLES AND
E
ROS
: C
AUGHT BETWEEN
C
IVIC
U
NITY AND
P
OLITICAL
S
UBVERSION

 
1.
Scholtz 2007, 13–17; Wohl 2002, 30–72; Ludwig 2002, 7–14.

 
2.
Aristotle, fr. 98 Rose (= Plutarch,
Dialogue on Love [Erotikos]
, 760E–761B). See Calame 1999, 108–109.

 
3.
Thucydides, 2.43.1. See Aeschylus,
Eumenides
, 851–853. For an analysis of this passage, see Monoson 2000, 64–87 (
chapter 3
: “Citizen as
Erastēs
[lover]: erotic imagery and the idea of reciprocity in the Periclean funeral oration”).

 
4.
Winkler 1990, 47.

 
5.
Monoson 2000, 83. See also Balot 2001b, 511–512.

 
6.
Lévy 1976, 141.

 
7.
Knights
, 732. See also
Knights
, 783–789, 871–872, 1163, 1340;
Wasps
, 699.

 
8.
On this traditional identification, see Connor 1992, 96.

 
9.
Far from giving themselves to honest citizens, the people surrender only to lamp-lighters,
cobblers, or leather merchants, “just like pretty boys [
paides
],
those lover-tormenters
[
erōmenoi
]”:
Knights
, 736–740 (based on the modified French translation by Debidour).

10.
Golden 1984. Contra Dover 1978, 84, according to whom “homosexual relationships in
Greek society are regarded as the product not of the reciprocal sentiment of equals
but of the pursuit of those of lower status [that is,
erōmenoi
] by those of higher status [that is,
erastai
].”

11.
Plato,
Meno
, 76b. However old he may be, the
erastēs
may become the slave of the
erōmenos
: see Xenophon,
Memorabilia
, 1.3.11,
Symposium
, 4.14,
Oeconomicus
, 1.22; Plato,
Symposium
, 183a, and
Phaedrus
, 252a.

12.
Golden 1984, 314–315 (examples cited in nn. 34–35).

13.
Golden 1984, 315 (with many examples in n. 37). According to this author, these conventions
are designed to set aside the
real
subordination of the
erōmenos
. The fact is the latter is usually a young Athenian close to adulthood whom it would
be embarrassing to represent in a subjected position, let alone a degraded one.

14.
See Monoson 2000, 81–82; and, more generally, Sebillotte Cuchet 2006.

15.
“There are spells [
epoidas
], they say, wherewith those who know charm whom they will and make friends of them
and drugs which those who know give to whom they choose and win their love” (
Memorabilia
, 2.6.10).

16.
Ibid., 2.6.13.

17.
See Winkler 1990, 76–77.

18.
Eupolis,
The Demes
, fr. 102 K.-A. See earlier,
chapter 3
.

19.
Vernant 1990, 40, describes the way that a lover is haunted by the image of the loved
one as follows: “A vision of him, instead of delighting him as would the sight of
the real person, produces, not pleasure but, precisely,
pothos
, a nostalgic regret that he is absent.”

20.
Pericles
, 37.1. According to Aristophanes,
Frogs
(1425),
pothos
is also the word for what the people feel about the handsome Alcibiades: “[The people]
long for him [
pothei men
], detest him, and yet desire him.”

21.
Pericles
, 39.4.

22.
Plutarch,
Pericles
, 8.5. This anecdote echoes a tradition that can be traced back to Ion of Chios, according
to whom the tragic poet was a better
stratēgos
in the domain of love than in that of warfare: see Ion of Chios,
FGrHist
392 F 6 (= Athenaeus, 13.603E–604F).