Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (9 page)

In August and September 1940, Husseini's private secretary, Osman Kemal Haddad met in Berlin with Grobba, Melchers, and the number two official in the Foreign Ministry, State Secretary Ernst von Weizacker. Speaking on behalf of an "Arab Committee" led by Husseini, Kilani, and other political figures from Iraq and Saudi Arabia, Haddad conveyed the first of many requests for a joint German-Italian declaration in support of Arab independence from Britain and France. In exchange, the Arab Committee promised to: support restoration of diplomatic relations between Iraq and Germany, which had been broken off when the war began; try to form an Iraqi government that would provide Germany and Italy preferred access to Iraqi oil and try to foster a similar agreement with Saudi Arabia; start a general uprising in Palestine with up to 10,000 men; and prevent movement of British and Indian troops from India to the Middle East while admitting all German agents and experts necessary for these poli- cies.24 According to the ideas put forth at that time, the joint declaration would "recognize the full independence of the Arab countries" that were "already independent or under French or British Mandate." Moreover, it should state that "Germany and Italy recognize the right of the Arab countries to solve the question of the Jewish elements in Palestine and the other Arab countries in a manner that conforms to the national and ethnic interests of the Arabs, and to the solution of the Jewish question in the countries of Germany and Italy." Finally it would affirm that Germany and Italy had "no imperialistic designs on Egypt and Sudan."25

In a September 9,1940, memo to the German Embassy in Italy, Weizsacker, responded positively to the Arab Committee proposals, provided the Italians agreed. As outlined in his memo, the Axis powers would recognize independence of Syria, Palestine, Transjordan, Egypt, the Sudan, and the border regions of the Arabian Peninsula. They also agreed that "Arab countries had the right to solve the Jewish question in the national and racial interest on the GermanItalian model," which at the time meant denial of citizenship rights, economic persecution, and expulsion. Diplomatic relations between Germany and Iraq would be resumed, and the Iraqi government would provide "friendly collaboration in all matters of common interest." That would include an Iraqi declaration of strict neutrality in the European war, which would be followed by similar declarations by Syria, Palestine, and Transjordan. As a result, passage of English or Indian troops through Iraq would be banned. The Iraqi government would promise: not to support the English war effort, to remove pro-British Foreign Minister Nuri Said, to conclude a secret agreement with Axis powers that gave them preferred access to Iraqi oil, and to seek similar agreements with other Arab countries. The Arab Committee offered to organize in PalestineTransjordan a large-scale rebellion, based in Syria with captured French equipment and with the Axis powers providing up to half the required financial support, up to 20,000 pounds sterling. Weizsacker cautiously replied that the German government took "a positive stand on the matter." It would "in certain circumstances be prepared to help with captured arms and money, but it would proceed only in agreement with Italy." Indicative of his uncertainty about whether the Arab Committee proposals were viable, Weizsacker asked Hans Georg Mackensen, the German ambassador to Italy, to ask Italy's foreign min ister, Gian Galeazzo Ciano, if he thought that an armed revolt in Palestine had any chance of success.26

Nazism's Arabic-language radio propaganda should be placed in the context of these diplomatic feelers. Husseini and his associates had quickly realized the importance of shortwave radio as a means of political communication. In September 1939 following a meeting with Shawkat, Woermann agreed to support a radio broadcast in Arabic on German radio dealing with some of the issues of mutual interest between Husseini's representatives and officials in the German Foreign Ministry.' In September 1940, Weizsacker agreed to state publicly that "Germany has always followed with interest the struggle of the Arab countries to attain their independence. In their striving toward this goal, the Arab countries will be able in the future also to count upon the full sympathy of Germany. 1118 On October 18 in Berlin, Grobba met again with Haddad. Haddad said that Germany's victories in spring and summer 1940 and the resulting weakening of England and France in the Middle East meant that the Arabs who "have always felt sympathy with Germany" but were previously unable to "make their real views known" because of the presence of British troops in Iraq, the French in Syria, and the Turks in the north could now do so. They were now taking "the first opportunity that was offered to get in touch with Germany." He stressed that "the enemies of the Arabs and Germany are the same, namely, the English, the Jews and the Americans who favor the Jews. There is no conflict of interests between the Arabs and Germany."29

Grobba read Haddad a statement that "shall also broadcast on the radio." It stated that Germany had "always been animated by sentiments of friendship for the Arabs." It supported their desire for "a place among the peoples of the earth in accordance with their historic and natural importance." It had closely observed Arab struggles for independence. "In their efforts to attain this goal Arab countries can count upon Germany's full sympathy also in the future. In making this statement, Germany finds herself in full accord with her Italian ally."30 Haddad replied that he appreciated Germany's good intentions but that the Arabs expected more, namely, "a German statement regarding the recognition of the independence of the Arab countries." Grobba pointed out that Germany already recognized the independence of Iraq and Saudi Arabia and assured Haddad that the statement to be broadcast was "only the first step on the path of collaboration between Germany and the Arab countries" which will be the subject of "future conversations" between the foreign ministers of Germany and Italy and the Iraqi government.31 As promised, Germany's Arabic stations broadcast the statement Grobba wrote on December 5,1940.

From Husseini's first conversations with Walter Doehle in Jerusalem in 1933 to the conversations by his aides with high-ranking German diplomats in Berlin in summer and fall 1940, the initiative for contact came from the radical Arabs. They recognized that Nazi advances in Europe weakened Britain and France and that the persecution of the Jews was an attack on an "enemy" whom they also despised. As of summer 1940, the highest-ranking officials of the Nazi regime had a great deal of evidence that there were politically engaged Arabs who were willing and eager both to fight against Germany's enemies and to become its political, ideological, and military allies in World War II. By late 1940, the meeting of hearts and minds in Berlin was producing remarkable broadcast appeals to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East.

Compared to the broadcasts following the arrival in Berlin of Husseini, Kilani, and their entourage in fall 1941, the broadcasts of the first eighteen months of the war often sounded like the opinions of a sympathetic, well-informed, politically engaged scholar, eager to please yet not fully familiar with either the details of local politics or the colloquial expressions of Arabic.32 Yet they sent a clear message that the Nazi regime, far from celebrating the superiority of Aryans over inferior Middle Eastern Semites, was a friend to both Arab nationalists and Muslims. The only documents in German archives of the Germanlanguage verbatim full texts that were the basis for the Arabic broadcasts encompass the period from December 1940 to February 1941. Kurt Munzel's initials are on all of them as author or coauthor.

On December 3,1940, Munzel's Orient Office broadcast "a paper about the English occupation of Egypt."33 Beginning with the incantation "Oh Mohammedaner" (Oh Muslims!), the broadcast made a direct appeal to Muslimsand not only to Arab nationalists opposed to British rule in Egypt. It did so in the repetitive incantations of a religious sermon that evoked the authority of the "holy Koran" and past days of piety.

Oh, God's servants! Above all of the other commandments, none is more important to the Muslims than piety, for piety is the core of all virtues and the bond of all honorable human characteristics. Muslims you are now backward because you have not shown God the proper piety and do not fear him. You do things that are not commanded and you leave to the side things that are. God's word has proven to be true and you are now the humiliated ones in your own country. This has come about because you don't have the piety and fear of God as your pious forefathers did. Of them, one can say that they"are strong against the unbelievers and merciful amongst themselves." Oh Muslims! Direct your gaze to the holy Koran and the tradition of the prophets. Then you will see that Islamic law is driven by piety toward God and fear of his punishment. The Koran inscribed piety as above all other commandments. Read, for example, the words: "Oh, believers, be pious and do not die without being a Muslim. Stand by God and don't be divided."

Oh Muslims! I call you to piety toward God because it is an inexhaustible source and a sharp weapon. It offers the good and prevents evil. In short, it is Islam, that is, surrender to God! Oh Muslims, you've seen how God placed piety at the top of all the commandments and how God has rewarded the pious with victory and success, how he helps him in every situation.

The announcer stated that the pious Muslim does what God demands. He prays, fasts, gives alms, loves his neighbors as himself, and at the same time helps Muslims fight those who oppress and humiliate Muslims. He reminded listeners that Mohammed, God's prophet, asked God to "show the Muslims the right path, unite them and help them against their enemies for no one will be humiliated that follows you and no one will be elevated that is your enemy! "34

Nazi broadcasts stressed affinities between what they called the "values of Islam" and those of National Socialism. Both, for example, favored piety, obedience, community, unity rather than skepticism, individualism, and division. That this assault on modern political values was conveyed via the most modern means of electronic communication in 1940 was another example of the "reactionary modernist" nature of aspects of Nazi ideology and policy.35 This and other broadcasts conveyed the message that the Nazis viewed Islam-not fundamentalist, radical, or political Islam, but simply Islam-as an ideological parallel to Nazism's revolt against Western political modernity. Most obviously, this and the host of broadcasts that followed illustrate that National Socialism was appealing to Muslims as Muslims, not just to Arabs in their struggle against the British. While Nazi propaganda claimed that there was a regrettable elective affinity between English Puritanism and the Jews, it also postulated a positive and welcome affinity between National Socialist ideology and what it selected from the traditions of Islam.36

On December 12,1940, German radio from Berlin broadcast what it called a "religious talk," also beginning with the incantation "Oh Mohammedaner. " The broadcast stressed that Islam "is a religion of the community, not a religion of the individual. It is thus a religion of the common welfare [ Gemeinnutzes] and not of self-interest [Eigennutzes]. Islam therefore is a just and true nationalism, for it calls on the Muslim to place the general interest ahead of private interests, to live not for himself but for his religion and his fatherland. This is the most important goal that Islam follows. It is at the basis of its prayers and command- ments."37 The priority of "the common welfare" over self-interest was a continuing and key theme of the Nazi Party before 1933 and of the Nazi regime afterward. Islam, the sermon continued, was a religion that fostered generosity and denounced greed. Generosity extended not only to money but to the soul, "for he who sacrifices and gives blood for God's sake is the most noble example of generosity." "As long as the Muslims were generous with their goods and their souls, God helped them and gave them the strength to build a great empire, which they alone ruled. This is not a surprise, for a nation which subordinates the individual deserves to have a much glory. This was so among the great Islamic empire for in those days the Muslims believed in the book of their ruler and the commands of the prophets. However, when they turned away from Islam and the Prophet's commands, and when everyone looked after his own individual interest for their own sake and sacrificed the common good, the Muslims' driving force became weak and the anger of God and the Prophet fell upon them." The sermon ended with another plea for Muslims to recall the Prophet's warnings against injustice and greed "for it was greed that destroyed your ancestors." Those words were "a warning to all who have ears to hear."38 The implicit message was that a religious revival ought to accompany a political, national, and civilizational revival.

These religious messages offered a cultural point of entry that would hopefully establish a willingness among devout Muslim audiences to listen to Nazism's political messages. On the same day that Radio Berlin broadcast the above message, it sent out "A Government Statement for the Arabs," which had emerged from the agreements between the pro-Axis Arabs and the Foreign Ministry in the previous months.39 From the same station in the same hour, perhaps with the same announcer, Nazi radio moved seamlessly from the religious to the secular and political. Listeners heard that Germany expressed "full sympathy" for the Arabs' "struggle for freedom and independence" so that they could "take their proper place under the sun and to recover the glory and honor in service of humanity and civilization." The German government's expression of "love and sympathy" for the Arabs had "found a strong echo among the Ger man people" while strengthening "the bonds of friendship with the Arabs, which the Germans have cherished for many years." This connection was not surprising, the statement continued, because Germans and Arabs shared "many qualities and virtues," such as "courage in war ... heroism and manly character." They"both shared in the suffering and injustices after the end of the [First] World War. Both of these great peoples had their honor insulted. Their rights were denied and trampled underfoot. Both bled from the same wounds and both had the same enemy: namely, the Allies who divided them and allowed them no claim to honor. Now Germany has been able to get out from under this disgrace and to regain all of its old rights so that its voice is now heard everywhere and has again taken its old place. 1140